Democracy and governance in Africa
Democracy alone is not a solution to Africa's development challenges.
1. Introduction
Africa needs development-oriented governments and leaders that prioritise the needs of their people.
The question should be what is the appropriate nature of democracy, given the levels of development of many African states. To develop Africa, the language of good governance should be used rather than focusing exclusively on democracy.
Democracy would theoretically lead to good governance, but what about the 35% of Africans who currently live in extreme poverty? What good are democracies in Africa if they cannot be useful in alleviating poverty, improving weak and challenged institutions, fighting corruption, fraud and so on. In short, without good governance, democracy itself would be weakened.
2. Institutional framework, control regimes and economic growth
The concept of governance is broad, but usually refers to aspects of accountability, political stability and absence of violence, government effectiveness, quality of the regulatory framework, rule of law and control of corruption.
Governance in Africa has been and is influenced by a fragile institutional framework in many of its countries, and by government control regimes that have driven many of their economies with a huge influence on the development and economic growth of many of them over time. Today the picture has not changed much.
The struggle for democracy in Africa has made the mistake of concentrating efforts on winning political and civil rights, i.e. achieving the election of leaders by direct universal suffrage. Free and democratic elections should not sum up everything that a democratic system should contain. In other words, political democracy must be accompanied by economic democracy. Otherwise, it all boils down to a system with false appearances of pluralism observed in free expression, in the holding of sometimes dubious democratic elections, while the centres of production that sustain the economy are still under the control of the local elite and foreign power. It is at this level at least that the whole key to the debate on democracy in Africa lies.
Africa has enormous ethnic variety, but this does not seem to be the ultimate cause of political instability and economic underdevelopment. Ethnic conflicts do not turn into armed conflicts when the state exists. It is the crisis of the state that leads groups vying for power to use ethnic banners to broaden their support base. 1
File image of two children collecting water on a street in Kibera in Nairobi, Kenya. IStock
- The Ibrahim Index on African Governance
https://mo.ibrahim.foundation/iiag
The Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) is a tool that measures and monitors the governance performance of 54 African countries.
According to its 2022 report we can conclude a few facts:
The observation is clear: progress in human and economic development in Africa is hampered by a "general decline in democracy" and an "increasingly tense security situation", according to the Mo-Ibrahim Foundation's index released on Wednesday 25 January, which assesses governance on the continent.
The report focuses in particular on a "worrying decade of recurrent coups in the Sahel", counting that of the 29 coups worldwide between 2012 and 2021, 23 took place in Africa and mainly in the Sahel region. More recently, in less than eighteen months, three West African countries (Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea) that we imagine to be more or less rooted in democracy have suffered coups d'état and regained military regimes. The bad news does not end there. In Senegal, President Macky Sall remains academically vague about his future even as he serves his second and final constitutional term.
Although the average level of overall governance on the continent is better in 2021 than in 2012 2, the quality of overall governance on the continent has stagnated since 2019. Progress in human development and economic fundamentals is being undermined by an increasingly tense 3 insecurity situation and a general decline in democracy. Moreover, the continent continues to grapple with the combined effects of the combined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the climate crisis and inadequate access to food and energy. At the time of writing, the repercussions of the Russia-Ukraine war since 24 February 2022 are compounding these difficulties. The year 2023 marks the halfway point for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the halfway point for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the first ten-year phase of Agenda 2063. It is therefore urgent to take action against the decline of democracy and the rise of insecurity so as not to reverse years of progress in governance and development. Lack of data remains a major concern. In the absence of reliable and comprehensive data, governments navigate blindly, and cannot sustainably improve the quality of governance or develop effective policies. The Mo Ibrahim Foundation continues to play a leading role in building the continent's data capacity 4.
However, the index notes that more than 90% of the continent's population lives in a country where the level of human development - which takes into account access to health, education, social protection and a sustainable environment - is higher than it was in 2012. "There is reason for optimism. I think the youth in Africa are better equipped than our generation, better informed," said the British-born Sudanese businessman.
In the index, the five best performing countries in terms of governance, taking into account all indicators, are Mauritius, followed by Seychelles, Tunisia, Cape Verde and Botswana. But here too, the Foundation calls for caution. Paradoxical as it may seem, although Mauritius ranks first in Africa, the Mo-brahim Foundation notes a deterioration in several indicators, such as insecurity, which leads to a deterioration in the living conditions of citizens.
South Sudan is in last place behind Somalia and Eritrea. The Gambia is the country whose governance has made the most progress since 2012, while Libya, on the other hand, has seen the greatest decline.
"We should not take democracy for granted. The strongman phenomenon is back in fashion, not only in Africa. But some people in Africa see this model and think they can emulate it. It's a problem, we are facing a real challenge," according to businessman Mo Ibrahim, director of the foundation that bears his name.
- The Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (CPIA) 2022 report 5.
This report for Africa examines the quality of policies and institutions in the 39 sub-Saharan African countries eligible for IDA 6 assistance in sub-Saharan Africa by 2021. For these countries, the score of 3.1 remains unchanged. The same is true for the sub-regions, with ratings of 3.2 for West and Central Africa and 3.0 for East and Southern Africa. At the country level, 11 countries recorded a change in their overall CPIA score, with an improvement in seven countries and a deterioration in four. In almost 70% of the countries where the CPIA score improved, the improvement was due to progress in policies to combat social exclusion and promote equity. Three of these countries also saw improvements in structural policies and in public sector management and institutions. Of the countries that recorded a deterioration in their overall CPIA rating, three saw their macroeconomic situation improve. Of the countries that recorded a deterioration in their overall CPIA rating, three saw their macroeconomic management performance weaken, partly due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
CPIA indicators and rating
GROUP A: ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT
Group A of the Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (CPIA) assesses the quality of countries' macroeconomic management. It covers monetary and exchange rate policy, fiscal policy and debt policy and management.
GROUP B: STRUCTURAL POLICIES
Group B covers policies that have an impact on trade, the financial sector, and the regulatory framework of enterprises.
GROUP C POLICIES TO COMBAT SOCIAL EXCLUSION AND PROMOTE EQUITY.
CPIA Group C, entitled Policies to Combat Social Exclusion and Promote Equity, covers gender equality, equity in the use of public resources, human resource development, social protection and employment, as well as policies to combat social exclusion and promote equity, human resource development, social protection and employment, and policies and institutions for environmental sustainability.
GROUP D: PUBLIC SECTOR INSTITUTIONS AND MANAGEMENT
Group D, also known as the Governance Group, covers public sector governance and capacity issues, namely property rights and governance, quality of budget and financial management, effectiveness of revenue mobilisation, quality of public administration, as well as transparency, accountability and corruption in the public sector.
GROUP OF COUNTRIES AND CLASSIFICATION
- Group of fragile and non-fragile conflict-affected countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and beyond 7.
- Group of resource-rich and non-resource-rich countries
B.3 West and Central African Countries
B.4 Countries of Eastern and Southern Africa
B.2 Classification of Sub-Saharan African countries by resource-rich and non-resource-rich countries.
3. Good governance and institutions
Good governance is the investor's insurance. Good governance reassures those who initiate an investment process, as well as those who trade. We already know that the higher the rate of good governance, the greater the flow of investment, whether domestic or foreign.
Corruption is indeed one of the main obstacles to the continent's structural transformation, a phenomenon closely linked to bad governance, and he pointed out that this evil is not uniquely African.
The lack of institutions is recognised as one of the most important determinants of corruption, which is why the various institutions of government are required to strive to enforce the implementation of anti-corruption laws and regulations and to promote good governance and good practices. Strengthening anti-corruption principles, including transparency, participation, accountability and integrity. Several conditions are necessary for structural transformation to take place, the application and implementation of good governance principles play a central role, as they determine the reciprocal relations between public sector actors and those in other sectors. Interestingly, several studies have shown that there is a dependence and interrelationship between economic growth and the level of good or bad governance.
The failure or success of countries is strongly influenced by their institutions.
4. Coups d'état, legislative and presidential elections. Cases of Niger and DRC
Africa has suffered seven military coups since 2020: in Mali (two), Burkina Faso (two), Guinea, Chad and Sudan. These coups were joined by other cases in which the ruling armies retained final authority in succession processes. This occurred in Egypt, Zimbabwe, Algeria and Burundi. In some cases, elected leaders have undermined democratic checks and balances to consolidate their grip on power and extend their mandates, as was the case with Tunisia's self-coup.
The growing tendency to circumvent term limits in Africa has far-reaching consequences for governance, security and development on the continent.
"When a coup is tolerated in one country, it opens the door for other militaries to take power.
The attempted military coup in Niger threatens to undermine the relative gains made by its democratic civilian rulers and increases the risks of insecurity, economic crisis and political stability facing Niger.
President Mohamed Bazoum won the February 2021 presidential election with 56% of the votes cast. The elections were deemed free and fair. Bazoum succeeded President Mahamadou Issoufou, who resigned after his second term, as stipulated by the constitution, which limits terms to two.
This succession was the first case of a peaceful transfer of power in Niger's history. This democratic trajectory had just begun after a long history of military rule in Niger, which has seen four coups between 1974 and 2010. The contrasting economic and security trends observed under Niger's civilian and military governments in no way justify the coup attempt. In the decade under Issoufou and Bazoum, per capita income increased by 26% in Niger, reversing the long trend of previous decades.
Economic growth in recent years has remained strong. The World Bank forecasts real gross national product growth to reach almost 7% in 2023 and 12.5% in 2024. Despite rising food prices caused by the pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Niger has managed to keep its inflation rate at around 4%, the lowest in the West African Economic and Monetary Union.
Niger is also coping with the arrival of 300,000 refugees fleeing conflicts in Mali and Nigeria, as well as 350,000 internally displaced people caused by Islamist militant attacks spreading from its neighbours. However, Niger's human development index has steadily improved over the past ten years. Under civilian rule, Niger's ranking on Transparency International's corruption index has also gradually improved. This had been characterised by a long period of stagnation in one of the world's poorest countries. During this 35-year period, Niger's per capita income fell by 29%. Niger had suffered negative growth rates for two-thirds of those years, decades of development lost to poor governance.
Niger has been widely praised for its security response to the threat of Islamist militants. Violent events in Niger account for less than 10% of the total in the Sahel. However, the expulsion of French forces and restrictions on MINUSMA 8 peacekeepers have led to an upsurge in violence in Mali. This has led to an increase in violent events in Niger in 2023. However, the death rate attributable to attacks by militant Islamist groups in Niger has decreased by 53% compared to 2022.
One lesson that is missing from these democratic experiments is how to constructively address the real grievances that any society faces. Democracy does not guarantee good governance. However, it does guarantee the means to put pressure on a government to correct itself, be it through elections, parliamentary enquiries, investigative journalism, anti-corruption commissions, public protectors and ombudsmen, demonstrations, etc. 9
Legislative elections in the DRC: controversy surrounding candidates who choose a family member as a deputy. The practice is not banned in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), but it is causing controversy. Several candidates have elected their wives, daughters, sons, cousins or nephews as deputies for the national legislative elections. In case of election, death, judicial conviction or appointment to other incompatible positions, they will be automatically replaced in the National Assembly by these relatives.
The case has become controversial on social media and the debate is heating up in the local media. This practice was subject to a repeal procedure when the electoral law was voted on last year, but was finally maintained by the majority. The issue resurfaced when several candidates in the upcoming legislative elections elected family members as deputies. The president of the National Assembly, in particular, has lined up his son. The same is true of the Assembly's deputy speaker, who chose his 25-year-old daughter as his first deputy. And they are far from the only ones.
The tug-of-war between Tshisekedi and Katumbi, symbol of a tense pre-campaign
Five months before the next elections, the political climate has been shaken by the assassination of Chérubin Okende. This tragedy exacerbated tensions between Felix Tshisekedi and his opponents, including Moïse Katumbi. 10
5. Conclusions
It will not be enough to repress coups d'état, whatever the national and international texts. It is imperative to address governance gaps. Bad governance impacts and costs all sectors of national life. It is time for every African country to take stock of its governance, from its rise to independence to the present day.
Notes and references
1 Carlos Sebastián. Institutional framework and growth in Africa
2 However, the index notes that more than 90% of the continent's population lives in a country where the level of human development - which takes into account access to health, education, social protection and a sustainable environment - is higher than in 2012. "There is reason for optimism. I think the youth in Africa are better equipped than our generation, better informed," said the British-born Sudanese businessman. In the index, the five best performing countries in terms of governance, taking into account all indicators, are Mauritius, followed by Seychelles, Tunisia, Cape Verde and Botswana. But here too, the Foundation calls for caution. Paradoxical as it may seem, although Mauritius ranks first in Africa, the Mo-brahim Foundation notes a deterioration in several indicators, such as insecurity, which leads to a deterioration in the living conditions of citizens.
South Sudan is in last place behind Somalia and Eritrea. As for Gambia, it is the country whose governance has made the most progress since 2012, while, on the contrary, it is in Libya that it has declined the most.
3 Since 2017, countries such as Mali and Ethiopia have experienced an increase in insecurity linked to a sharp rise in coups d'état and armed conflicts. This situation, combined with a reduction in participation in public debate, poses a threat to democratic governance.
4 Currently, existing data for key areas, such as health system capacity, the rural sector and countries' resilience to climate change, are insufficient on the continent. The lack of up-to-date and relevant data in these areas significantly constrains Africa's responses to the Covid-19 pandemic and the climate crisis, as well as the implementation of effective policies. Data on health, environment and rural areas are particularly scarce, despite the fact that these areas are of critical importance in the fight against climate change, pandemics and food insecurity.
The CPIA is a diagnostic tool designed to assess the quality of a country's policies and institutional framework. In this sense, the focus is on key elements that are under the country's control rather than on outcomes (such as growth rates) influenced by elements beyond the country's control. More specifically, the CPIA assesses the extent to which a country's policies and institutional framework support sustainable growth and poverty reduction. And thus the effective use of development aid. The outcome of the exercise combines an overall score and the scores of the sixteen criteria that make up the CPIA. The CPIA was first developed and used in the mid-1970s, and the World Bank has periodically updated and improved it over the years to take into account lessons from experience and evolving development thinking.
International Development Association IDA.
. The classification uses the following categories:
1. 1. Countries with high levels of institutional and social fragility, identified from public indicators that measure the quality of policies and institutions, as well as manifestations of fragility.
2. 2. Countries affected by violent conflict, identified on the basis of a threshold of conflict-related deaths per population. This category includes two sub-categories based on the intensity of violence: countries in high-intensity conflict and countries in medium-intensity conflict.
* Excludes Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, the Syrian Arab Republic, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the West Bank and Gaza. These economies do not have CPIA data. For more information on the classification of countries in fragile or conflict situations, please see the following links:
1. https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/fragilityconflictviolence/brief/harmonized-list-of-fragile-situations
2. https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/9b8fbdb62f7183cef819729cc9073671-0090082022/original/FCSList-FY06toFY22.pdf
8 The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali is a peacekeeping mission established by the Security Council in its resolution 2100 of 25 April 2013 to stabilise the country following the Tuareg rebellion of 2012.
9 Joseph Siegle and Candace Cook, 'En Afrique, le contournement des limites de mandats fragilise la gouvernance', Infographie, 14 septembre 2020.
10 The shock and indignation provoked by the assassination of Chérubin Okende, MP and former minister found dead in Kinshasa on 13 July, was quickly followed by impatience and a thirst for answers. Last seen in the car park of the Constitutional Court on 12 July, the body of the spokesman for Ensemble pour la République, Moïse Katumbi's party, was found the following morning at the wheel of his car, shot in the head and his shirt covered in blood.