Canada committed to international security and combating climate change
Canada's ambassador to Spain and Andorra is proud of her government's great effort to increase the presence of women in the diplomatic career, an essential pillar to achieve parity in the Canadian foreign service. This correspondent, on behalf of Atalayar, has been received at the diplomatic headquarters by a plenipotentiary, a breath of fresh air, plain, unquestionable and in perfect Spanish: Wendy Drukier, a pioneer of flamboyant diplomacy, who has expressed Canada's commitment to be at the forefront in the fight against climate change and to obtain the status of a priority enclave in international projection. So much so that she announced the strengthening of its military presence in Latvia and diplomatic presence on the eastern flank, with new embassies in Lithuania, Estonia, Slovakia and Armenia.
Given that you are Canada's second female ambassador to Spain, what role do women play in Canadian diplomacy?
Global diplomacy is a traditionally male-dominated field. The rise of women in senior and responsible positions in Canada has been quite recent. Gender parity has finally been achieved, but it has not been easy. Until 1971, there was great expectation that a married woman could have a diplomatic career. The working model was very masculine: the woman at home and the man in diplomacy. So it has taken a great deal of effort and political will to change it. Canadian foreign policy needed to change because Canada is diverse, pluralistic, multiculturalist and the different analyses and points of view have made it possible to design my country's new foreign policy.
What can you tell me about plans to exploit the Canadian Arctic, taking advantage of the retreat of ice due to climate change?
Canada works closely with the Arctic Council (AC) to coordinate our approach to this special region, although we have been put on pause by the invasion of Ukraine. It is widely known that the AC is an intergovernmental forum that promotes cooperation among Arctic states and the involvement of Arctic indigenous communities, along with other bodies in the protection of the Arctic environment.
Canadian policies in the Arctic have several axes of activity: reconciliation with Canada's indigenous people; climate change with its mitigation, adaptation and monitoring processes, which yield more navigable waters than in the past; applied scientific research in the Antarctic; and sustainable economic development. Due to the Ukrainian invasion by Russia, the AC (counting Russia among its members) has decided to take a pause. But we remain committed to active engagement with Arctic countries and to resolving through dialogue and established diplomatic mechanisms any differences we may have over climate change.
Canada has put forward a novel plan for small modular reactors that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions and put Canada at the forefront of the fight against climate change.
Certainly, we are leading a project that is in the development phase. These small reactors are not particularly linked to the Arctic. It is a new technology of broad geographic interest with a much faster start-up and lower cost than building traditional nuclear reactors. Today, there is a great deal of international collaboration and the new plan will generate a safe, carbon-free, clean and very cost-effective source of energy to combat climate change.
Let's talk about real threats such as the invasion of Ukraine, which is reaching an extreme intensity. Russian President Vladimir Putin is already talking about a change of elites in the new world order and international scene.
We are perplexed by an invasion we never thought would happen. It has changed the world and the security reality in Europe, leading to worrying impacts on food and energy security around the world. At the recent NATO Summit in Madrid, Canada reaffirmed and demonstrated its commitment to collective security in the transatlantic space. In addition to commitments made together with our allies, we announced the strengthening of our military presence in Latvia, and our diplomatic presence on the eastern flank, with new embassies in Lithuania, Estonia, Slovakia and Armenia. And we were the first country to formally ratify the protocols for the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO.
On the outcome of the Madrid Summit... Do you think that at some point it will be necessary to engage again with Vladimir Putin?
NATO's last strategy in 2010 emanated from a peaceful vision of the world, which is now obsolete. I am talking about new challenges in an unpredictable world and a different conjuncture. We see a level of aggression unseen since the Second World War. We are facing a serious global security crisis, and at the Madrid Summit NATO took important steps to adapt to it. NATO's new Strategic Concept reaffirms the Alliance's values and defines a new strategy for its tasks of deterrence and defence, crisis prevention and management, and cooperative security. It also responds to Canada's foreign policy priorities on women, peace and security, and to the effects of climate change on security dynamics. On the situation in Ukraine, I cannot anticipate what will happen or Vladimir Putin's thinking. As a member of the Atlantic Alliance and as a country, Canada is offering Ukraine economic, military and humanitarian support in the face of the need to confront one of the largest armies in the world. The Russian invasion occurred without any legal justification. Canada has supported Ukraine's efforts at democracy for many years, and we remain committed to supporting its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Can you give me an assessment of the NATO/Common European Army dichotomy with an autonomous capability?
I do not think it is a dichotomy. The EU is based on cooperation. Every country has an armed force. We have to work together. There are complementarities that can coexist. So it takes away and does not add up to think about competing.
The Spanish President, Pedro Sánchez, has on occasion praised Canada as an example when it comes to finding solutions to secessionist crises: the Quebec way and the agreed referendum.
Both Canada and Spain have a network of federal and provincial institutions, and we enjoy great historical diversity with different languages and cultures. But we should not lose sight of the fact that Canada's legal-constitutional structure is very different from Spain's. Each Canadian province is a constitutional entity with its own rights and powers. The Constitution establishes that legislative power or competence is shared between the Parliament of Canada and the provincial Legislative Assemblies. The two referendums in Quebec did not have to be covenanted, as the Constitution allows the provinces to have them. They were referendums to negotiate independence from Canada, never a question of a unilateral declaration of independence. Trying to draw a parallel with Catalonia raises doubts.
Carmen Chamorro García, CIP and ACPE board of directors.