How to get out of the impasse Trump
It is difficult for a sitting president to be kicked out of the White House. It only happened to Democrat Carter in 1980 and Bush Sr. in 1994. Trump flew Air Force One until the end of the campaign, using it as a protective shield and to enhance his power image. But he didn't know it, so brazenly, that they were after him. Because the Democrats had a series of weapons, shorter but more effective, to force him off 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
First, they had to defeat him, and find the right senator (only a senator could rally the support of the establishment) for the slaughter operation. When Richard Nixon became a danger to the whole system in the wake of Watergate - as Trump was increasingly becoming - he had to be finally called to leave the White House. In other circumstances, his attitude was as stubborn as Trump is today.
Then a group of senators from his own party, led by the unsuspecting and ultra-conservative Barry Goldwater, formed to make him understand that the country needed him to step down and leave office. He was the incumbent president, so the visit and the decision to be made were even more tense than the present one.
A key witness at the time, Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein, says his sources on Capitol Hill confirm that at least half of the Republican senators (about 25) are critical of President Trump. Nothing is more like the Roman Senate than this American upper house, where the 100 men of the mighty Sanhedrin are the ones who administer the essence of the nation and exercise power collectively. Tremp proved to be a man outside the system from the beginning, unable to compromise, and thus won the enmity or at least the suspicion of most of those who should be at his side. The dance of positions of trust in the White House itself speaks volumes.
But it was the all-powerful Senate that looked upon him with the most suspicion. That is why he should have been one of its own to lead the fight, organise the plan of attack and prove himself worthy to replace him at his post with every guarantee that he would answer "the nation's call" by offering unity and serene command. One of them since 1973, a man of dialogue like a good Catholic, friendly like a good Irishman, Biden is a bipartisan, a man who reaches agreements on the left and on the right, ideal for the mission of replacing a dangerous leader and succeeding in healing the wounds. His chairmanship of the almighty Senate Justice Committee also gives him a reputation as a safe man for the system.
But escaping the populist wave launched by Trump was not going to be an easy task once he had obtained the complicity of the heart of the system. Votes are votes, and they had to be cast. One by one.
The Democratic election machine, which had been defatted in Operation Hillary, had managed to reorganise itself years before in the face of the Reaganite tsunami and had brought both Clinton and Obama to power. 16 years of democratic rule. With a serious update, he could fight the debris of a president who betrays the ears of old America with his ultra-nationalist rhetoric. It is therefore on this basis that the plan to oust the "anti-system president" has been implemented:
1 - GREASE THE MACHINES. - It's not as rusty as some people thought of the old Democratic machine that had raised elections since the days of former mayor Da ley in Chicago. From then on, they pulled the votes from under rocks, or from the sewers. After the wave of Reaganism that swept them away, the Democrats reconciled with Clinton. They lost by a few ballots against Bush and came back with the Chicago clan by pushing Obama. Their vice-president knows the machine well and has used it to the maximum. His masterstroke took place in the first hours of the election. While no one expected a final result, he announced that he was running, and left Trump himself stunned by announcing that the way to his victory was open. Trump was forced to express himself, without style, boldly and with lies. The trap was set. The provocation had worked.
2 - BRINGING TOGETHER DIVERSITY. Democrats are fishing in many areas. They add up to form minorities. Meanwhile, Republicans find themselves with the rich class, the most radical Christians and the workers of deep America. Sometimes the middle class. But this is also a goal of the Democrats. When they have mobilised it (with Clinton, with Obama), they are victorious. With a common enemy as strong as COVID - which scrapes jobs and makes medical costs more expensive - the opportunity was perfect to get more votes in the most socially sensitive Democratic network. Pennsylvania's rust belt and votes were seriously worked on this occasion.
3. WOMEN LIKE SWING VOTES. It seems unbelievable that Hillary lost. Now one might think it was a conspiracy of the machine. They didn't want to support the return of the Clintons - even her husband didn't want to - and they let her sink in front of an impossible candidate like Donald Tremp four years ago. Hillary - as in her entire number one career - is a monster. She campaigned alone, and the party didn't make the final push in the northern industrial zone and Pennsylvania. She paid dearly for her sad defeat. She didn't win where she had to win. Now women have a new star, closer to home, more acceptable to men too. Kamala, who will have a lot to say at this stage.
4. BLACK PEOPLE VOTE. - The worst thing is that the black population, as an electoral group, hardly votes at all. The Democrats protect them, favour them with subsidies, and when it comes to receiving electoral compensation, they are not up to the task. This time the wave of anti-racism and police violence has taken a serious turn. The Floyd case and the Black lives matters movement were decisive. The party succeeded in registering many new voters of colour and filling in their absentee ballots. This time they were able to stay at home on election day, as the vote was already being sent in for the long heart attack count. Georgia is a textbook case.
5 - THE VIRUS THAT CHANGED EVERYTHING. The pandemic was in no way controlled by Trump. Through his negligence, he managed to create a negative climate against himself, which led to an important sanction vote for the current presidency. The theatrical tirade of announcing that he is a victim of the disease and its miraculous cure has only increased scepticism or suspicion that there is a cure for the rich and not for the rest of voting humanity. States such as Georgia (with its large black and military population) or Nevada and Arizona (with a growing Mexican Hispanic vote) might have voted differently without this impetus to improve health care systems. Fear of losing voters became the decisive weapon in encouraging postal voting. Trump saw the "danger" and denounced it in advance as the basis for a possible defeat that was beginning to seem increasingly plausible. The wave of absentee voting finally overwhelmed him. The democratic machine renewed at the time by Obama (with Biden as vice-president) was coming home.
And a sixth key that encompasses all the others is the behaviour of a president who has provoked in his defenders and detractors the sensation of being a character out of control. Until now, America has bought in the elections, on the one hand, the capacity for leadership and, on the other, the security projected by the figure who represents and defends the nation. When the man with the atomic suitcase turns out to have the psychological tendencies of a card cutter or a pyromaniac, the key day arrives and he is set up. Outside the White House.
A man of the apparatus, the structure, the establishment, the oldest to aspire to the presidency is the compromise figure who has found the popular votes and the driving forces of the American system to finally defeat a danger, national and global, called Trump. On Biden, the U.S. establishment agrees. Trump was able to sound the alarm about the Chinese danger and globalisation. But now it's time to hand over the presidency to someone who doesn't endanger the very essence of the American system. A historic senator is the spare wheel.
