Ten years after the Arab Spring: How did they catch and how far have they gone?

The movements motivated by the "rupture of the social contract between rulers and ruled" in the countries of the Middle East are celebrating a decade since their beginnings this year. 

On the basis of the document created by Ricard González Samaranch, "The gaps that destabilise the Southern Neighbourhood: from the Arab Spring to the COVID-19 era", the Fundación Alternativas opened a round table discussion on the subject this Tuesday.

Moderated by Itxaso Domínguez, and with contributions by the Syrian writer Leila Nachawati Rego and the journalist Ricard Gonzalez, the subject was presented from a more contemporary view of these revolutions. These revolutions began ten years ago, but have not ended. 

"It was a rupture of the social contract, that is to say, of the tacit or implicit pact that existed between rulers and ruled in practically all the countries we are talking about in the southern neighbourhood," Ricard starts off the debate. He also mentions that the change in economic policies and social rights, it is the youth and the middle classes that were affected and the main factors that drove the revolts. 

These revolutions were driven by a long series of issues including youth unemployment, poverty and increasing inequalities. Ten years on they have worsened in many countries and the reasons are still valid. We are now seeing a kind of resurgence of revolts, such as in Algeria or Lebanon.

Leila Nachawati mentions that these demands were very well summed up by the protesters' own slogans and those of protesters across the region, in three words: freedom, justice and dignity.

He said that "it is clear that the processes of 2011 were defeated in the sense that their majority has not fructified in a result that would bring a dignified life to these people, to these populations, to a better life". However, it is not possible to speak of a defeat. 

Defeat or non-defeat has been the subject of a long and well-argued debate on the table. It is not to be said that we have lost, because in countries like Tunisia we are not as we would like to be, but neither are we as we would not like to be. Moreover, similar movements continue to exist in Sudan, Algeria, Lebanon, Iraq... 

Nachawati mentions that "for me, rather than talking about victory, successes, failures, I would talk about the fact that we have lost, we have lost a lot of accountability". He adds that "impunity has advanced (...) from what allows us to continue to have hope, hope is never lost". And that "in spite of everything, the repression has not completely cancelled out the desire for change". 

He refers to the fact that it is important to get out of this logic of "absolute and simplistic failures and victories" and to recognise the nuances, the advances that are developing with so many difficulties and in such corrupt contexts are more important than ever. As is the fact that not even all the repression in the world has succeeded in quashing aspirations for a dignified life.

International solidarity, in Nachawati's view with regard to the specific case of Syria, "as historically understood, has died in Syria". I think it has suffered many setbacks in previous conflicts in the Yugoslavia era, at different times with the political, geopolitical positions of Russia and the United States. 

The session also explains the union of the countries in which it has had a rebound effect, that is, in which, as a result of seeing the neighbouring country fight, it has begun to do so. Among them, according to González, we see the unity of an Arab world that seems to have died, but that continues to exist because of a very important fact, which is to share a language.

"So, the slogans that Laila mentioned earlier, and even the slogan that was one of the most characteristic, 'the people want the fall of the regime', was a slogan that spread like wildfire," says Ricard González. "It was a shared cultural background in all these countries, which explains why the revolt spread so quickly from one country to another. On the other hand, it could also have influenced other movements outside the Arab world".

Moreover, living under the same regime for decades, be it a monarchy or a totalitarian republic, has also led to "contagion". 

However, for example in Tunisia there are currently night protests, sometimes also during the day, and demonstrations by young people who are repeating some of the slogans of the Arab Spring talking about the fall of the regime. González says, "I think this is a clear demonstration of the shortcomings of the changes in Tunisia".

He adds that "it is often said there that the political transition has been relatively successful because there have already been six or seven elections. I think there are six or seven electoral processes and all of them have been carried out normally, with transparency, without any kind of problems".

Specifically mentioning the European Union and Spain from 2010, 2011 until now, he alludes to the fact that in 2011, the blackmail of these dictatorships was accepted. Tremendously repressive structures such as those in Egypt, Syria and Tunisia were accepted in exchange for fluid relations with European and Western countries.

After questions from listeners and visitors, the issue of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Arab population's support for Palestine was addressed. In search of a place for "Palestine" in the midst of the revolutions. 

The issues addressed and expressed were extensive and argued by all sides. The conference concluded with the idea that Palestine receives support from Arab public opinion and Israel receives support from the political interests of Arab states.