Perspectives

rusia otan nato

Perceptions and motives for action in the face of the crisis in different countries in Europe and the US caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine differ according to different factors.

Consider the Iberian Peninsula, where Portugal and Spain have been NATO members since 1949 and 1982 respectively and both joined the EU in 1986. Both countries have so far been far removed from European conflicts from a military point of view. Neither of them took an active part in either World War I or World War II. Nor were they directly involved in the Cold War, since they observed it from afar without playing any significant role in it. Therefore, their integration into the European Union and NATO has been, so far, a path of political, economic and social improvement, of strengthening their democracies, security and implementation of common values, since their entry. That is to say, of appreciation of the rights acquired after their accessions.

And it is now, for the first time, when an amber light is lit because the alliances established with the chosen partners require the involvement of both countries in a conflict that affects everyone. It is therefore time to fulfil the duties of the agreements. In other words, the defence of the values and territories that underpin the aforementioned agreements, because at this moment, their signatories are needed so that if things get complicated, we can continue to maintain the European way of life individually and collectively. And what is the prevailing perception?  It seems to me that in Spain, it is one of involvement, still somewhat sceptical due to the remoteness of the conflict, although worrying for its inhabitants. But the commitments made seem to be assumed, at least in this first phase. Just as in the case of Portugal. In other words, we are aware of being Europeans and we accept it, both personally and collectively, with all that this entails in these circumstances. 

And I also believe that most of us know that Spain is a country with an important geostrategic position; it is the key to the Mediterranean, it has strategic military bases for the US and is an active member of NATO and the EU. Therefore, in the face of a "not impossible" escalation of the conflict, we know that we would be significantly involved in it, with the risks that this entails. Which are not few. 

If this worsens, it will require the conviction of all Spaniards that this issue concerns us and is important for our future. And that, in addition, we will have to take a clear stand with our allies against the potential Russian enemy. We know little about this enemy, except from history books, because in recent decades we have limited ourselves to insignificant trade exchanges and the presence of a few Russian colonies settled in our country. In other words, we have no grievances or anything to make us consider a country like Russia an enemy. Except for old stories from the Soviet era and Franco's regime, which are now forgotten.

So if, unfortunately, things take a turn for the worse, we will have to arm ourselves with reasons to face whatever comes, whatever it may be, and support our government, Spanish and European political representatives, and the Armed Forces, so that together with the rest of Europe we can confront, through economic or military sanctions, if necessary, those who are trying to become a new active maker of the world order that they like. And who has favoured and continues to favour populist nationalism and its leaders, apart from other shady destabilising manoeuvres.

It is not easy, therefore, to adopt a position; it is not easy to admit that this could cause us significant damage if the scale of the conflict increases. And even if the tension does not rise, we will be affected for the time being only by the economic measures taken, and not for the better. But to arm ourselves mentally and ideologically we will need all those words that have been said a thousand times, almost empty of content after being repeated so many times; that we must respect international law, the values of democracy, freedom of the individual, tolerance, the free market and trade, the values of the West, etc, etc, etc, etc.... In other words, the letter and spirit of the treaties, which are a set of ethical and moral values and a way of life, can be ruined because some individuals we do not know want to tell us what we should do and how to do it. Just as they are trying to do with the Ukrainians. These distant neighbours, not members of the EU or NATO, but who may end up being the Russian appetizer, before trying to eat the lunch of countries that do belong to these European organisations and have no desire to stop being the way they are today. And at the top of the list are all those that were once in the orbit of the USSR. After that and if there is a relevant weakness of the remaining ones, they will see.

So let's prepare ourselves in case the situation becomes complicated, because there will be no room for lukewarmness, but only conviction to follow the path that has to be followed. It may be hard, but that's the way it is.

If we consider the reaction of other European countries and the United States to the aggression against Ukraine, they do have a much more vivid collective memory of the two great world conflicts and the Cold War than we do. As well as very close and painful memories. So the red light that has been lit in the collective conscience of the rest of Europe and Europeans in general is quite justified. 

But I think there is a difference in the shade of red, being less intense, it seems to me, in the Allied victors of World War II than in those who after the war came under the influence and power of the Soviet Union after Yalta. That is, those countries that were subjected for more than 40 years to the tyranny of communist Moscow, which turned them into satellites feeding the great dictatorship and governed by leaders appointed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Moscow. Vladimir Putin is trying to emulate this, as has been evident for some time. 

In the case of the allied countries, the victors, there is irritation and exasperation, fear of a new prophet of militarism and expansion, as well as the logical fear of entering another dark age of humanity, with a theatre of operations once again in Europe and close to their territories and societies.

Of the ex-satellite countries, I have less data, but surely they will all have turned their heads to the allies and asked; will you comply, will you?

- Because we are now members of everything there is to be in Europe, we clearly opt for this system and we do not want to fall back into the jaws, in this case, of Great Russia. 

In these countries the red light must be very bright, because both among their inhabitants and among their political leaders, memory is alive and well. It is only some thirty years since they emerged from that ominous situation, they are trying to stabilise their democracies and, like Ukraine, they know that they are a justifiable morsel for the expansionism of Putin and his faithful. Political leaders therefore have no doubt that they have every reason to justify to their fellow citizens and to themselves the need to respond to Putin's barbarities, and if possible in a forceful manner, even if it has to be done militarily. One need only look at their attitude to the current catastrophic scenario.

For the US, too, the light must be bright red, because for Americans the Cuban missile crisis, the Cold War as a whole, the threat of nuclear conflict and the wars waged during that period of time are part of their recent collective memory. The only thing that should relax them, relatively speaking, is that if there is an escalation, operations are back in Europe, although if there is a convincing nuclear threat, they would inevitably feel involved. But there is no shortage of reasons to mobilise their people and leaders to stop Russia's aggression. Including the need to maintain its status as a major world power, which in recent years has been in gentle decline in the face of China and the attempted comeback of a revived Russia.

In this first and hopefully last phase, it does not seem that Europe and the US as a whole will shy away from the task of stopping this situation from escalating and presenting a common front in the face of Russian aggression in Ukraine. There seem to be sufficient perceptions and motives in the societies involved to act. And a strengthened spirit of cooperation in the face of a common external enemy has stirred the consciences of a numb society, which was cradled in the old victories of the 20th century while its detractors armed themselves with reasons to change things.

Perhaps a moment of great historical importance has arrived, or perhaps not so much, and these events will be reversed in whole or in part. But we are going to live for a time, whatever happens, with a heavy heart, and for that we must have the conviction that better or worse, this is our chosen way of life and we want to preserve it against those who endanger it, and if possible, without war.
 

Carlos Angulo López-Dóriga.