IV UN Commission: the Sahara autonomy proposal from a global perspective (II)
Against a backdrop where the winds of the Atlantic beat against the sands of the desert, a tapestry of geopolitical complexities unfolded that have defined the recent evolution of the region. For decades, the territory of the Sahara has been at the epicentre of a dispute that has captured international attention. However, in the midst of this panorama, a narrative of hope and progress emerges, embodied in the Moroccan proposal for autonomy.
From the shores of Dakhla to the remote Tindouf camps, a chorus of diverse voices echoes through the corridors of the UN Fourth Committee. The testimonies of the petitioners are intertwined with ambitious development projects that seek not to look back, drawing a future that seeks to transcend the scars of the past. This convergence of perspectives reflects not only the complexity of the issue, but also the growing momentum towards a solution that promises to transform the region's political and socio-economic landscape.
Thus, the format of this event featured successive three-minute interventions by each participant. These included the usual exchange of views between stakeholders. The representatives of the Polisario Front and its supporters, as is customary every year, adopted the usual exalted tone, repeatedly listing references to resolutions of international bodies from the last century. Their speeches also focused on human rights narratives, but without the backing of verifiable sources. It is not surprising then that, under this belligerent tone, incidents such as the one provoked by an Algerian representative, who was expelled from the room by the UN police, occurred.
On the other hand, the petitioners supporting the Moroccan autonomy proposal, coming from different continents, gave interventions with a more relaxed tone, based on experiences on the ground, verifiable facts and first-hand testimonies. The aim was to promote a pragmatic and urgent solution to a political and humanitarian conflict that will soon be half a century old. The following is a compilation of excerpts from some of the most prominent interventions in support of the proposal:
Ana Roios, a Portuguese jurist and political scientist and expert in EU environmental law, reflects on the proposed development model for Morocco's southern provinces. According to Roios, this plan is not a simple exercise in administrative decentralisation, but an ambitious strategy to empower local authorities by offering new opportunities. Advanced regionalisation, she notes, is key to the socio-economic growth of these areas. Morocco, she argues, has outlined a realistic and ambitious vision for the future, with joint efforts by the government, the private sector, civil society and international partners. Many EU countries openly support this initiative, highlighting its relevance for regional stability. This development vision not only benefits Morocco, but also opens avenues for broader integration with Africa and Europe.
In the same vein, Limam Bousif, president of the Dakhla-Oued Eddahab Regional Association of Young Pioneers in Economics and Politics, underlines the crucial role of young people in this process. The National Initiative for Human Development (INDH), a cornerstone of the Moroccan government's efforts, has been vital in reducing poverty and improving social infrastructure. The drive to build new schools, universities and vocational training centres in the southern provinces is a clear sign of Morocco's commitment to education and youth employment. Bousif is confident that these investments will ensure a sustainable future for the younger generation, enabling them to actively contribute to the economic and social development of the region.
However, while the southern provinces of Morocco are experiencing a climate of progress, peace and development, on the other side of the border, in the Tindouf camps, the situation is very different. Abdul Basith Syedibrahim of World Humanitarian Drive recounts his meetings with tribal leaders in southern Morocco, who expressed their total identification with the Kingdom. For Syedibrahim, the Moroccan autonomy initiative is a just solution that has the backing of a large part of the international community. On the contrary, he denounces the Polisario Front as a paramilitary group that perpetuates violence and repression in the Tindouf camps. Human rights violations are systematic, with hundreds of people disappeared or abducted, and a population living in extreme conditions of isolation. The Polisario, he adds, remains a factor of instability in North Africa, while opponents of autonomy have not presented any viable alternative. For Syedibrahim, the only way to peace is concord, not force.
Once again this year, many voices from Latin America spoke out in favour of Morocco's autonomy plan. María Reyna Carretero Rangel, political scientist and sociologist at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, highlights the high political participation of the Sahrawi population in the legislative, regional and local elections, especially in the 2021 elections. With a 66.94% turnout in Laayoune-Sakia El Hamra and 58.30% in Dakhla-Oued Eddahab, the population of the southern provinces has demonstrated its deep attachment to Morocco and its active involvement in the country's political life. These figures, higher than the national average, are proof of the Sahrawi population's commitment to their Moroccan identity within a democratic framework.
Carlos Ernesto Bustamante, a Peruvian scientist and congressman, shares a similar view, considering the autonomy initiative to be the only viable solution to the conflict. During a recent visit to the region, Bustamante observed the climate of peace and development prevailing in the Moroccan Sahara, where more than 30 consulates have been opened by countries in the Americas, Africa, Europe and the Caribbean, de facto recognising Moroccan sovereignty. Bustamante sees autonomy as an honourable way out that would not only put an end to the conflict, but also promote regional integration and guarantee peace in the Maghreb.
Meanwhile, Martha Chávez Cossío, former president of the Peruvian Congress, highlights the achievements of the new development model implemented in the southern provinces since 2015, with a budget of 10 billion dollars. This model, she explains, is based on fundamental principles such as gender equality, inclusive human development and the active participation of the local population in decision-making. For Chávez, this approach is key to improving the living conditions of the inhabitants of the Moroccan Sahara and guaranteeing their fundamental rights.
Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Mackay, former Peruvian Foreign Minister, shares a blunt perspective: the so-called SADR (Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic) is an entity without meaningful international recognition and without legitimacy to represent the Sahrawi people. In his opinion, the majority of Saharawis live in the Moroccan Sahara, enjoying economic, social and cultural rights. Rodríguez Mackay urges the few countries that still recognise SADR to reconsider their position, arguing that a solution to the conflict is inevitable and that the Algerian-backed Polisario is an anachronism still clinging to a Cold War ideological conflict. It also repudiates the SADR, which systematically commits acts of violence against the hostages in the Tindouf camps.
Eric Cameron, representative of the organisation World Action for Refugees, denounces the corrupt practices of the Polisario Front in the Tindouf camps. According to Cameron, the Polisario has systematically diverted resources intended for the refugees, even selling essential foodstuffs in local markets and neighbouring countries. The situation in the camps is alarming, with human rights violations documented by the World Food Programme and the UN Human Rights Council, which have demanded an urgent response to stop what Cameron calls a ‘humanitarian disaster’.
Amidst these international voices, Moustapha Malainine of the Moroccan-Spanish-Latin Centre for Strategic Studies offers a historical overview of the conflict. Malainine recalls that the Sahara's representation in Morocco's political institutions has deep roots, long before the creation of the Polisario Front. Since the 1950s, Saharawi representatives have participated in the National Consultative Council, the predecessor of the current Moroccan parliament. In the 2021 elections, Sahrawi participation reached 70 %, which, according to Malainine, strengthens the unity between the north and south of Morocco and consolidates the country's social cohesion.
Harald Troch, an Austrian parliamentarian, visited Western Sahara in 2022 and was impressed by the level of development achieved in the region. The deep-water port in Dakhla is just one of many projects that are transforming the region and, according to Troch, will have a positive impact not only on Morocco, but also on the Maghreb, the Sahel and the Mediterranean. Troch sees the autonomy plan as a real opportunity for peace and stability in the region, a sentiment shared by many international observers.
Jordanian journalist Amal Jbour shared her perspective on the situation of women in the refugee camps, where the absence of ‘constitutional and institutional tools’ contrasts with the reality of the Moroccan Sahara. In her testimony, she underlined the ‘oppression they suffer in an artificially imposed conflict, where there is no law and the future is uncertain, all with the complicity of the host country’. However, Amal sees a glimmer of hope in the autonomy proposal, which could offer an environment of ‘security and equity for women’ as well as equality with men. Jbour highlighted the development projects being implemented, which seek to ‘protect the unity of these women’.
Khadija Ezaoui of the ‘Association 9 Mars’, was forceful in addressing the latest ruling of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) on trade agreements between Morocco and the EU, stating that it is an ‘inconsequential’ verdict and that it has no bearing on Morocco, as it is an internal EU matter. She stressed that ‘we should look at the victories’ in courts outside the EU, such as the New Zealand Supreme Court, the UK Court of Appeal, and the Tarascon Trade Court (France), where similar Polisario cases have been rejected. In addition, he mentioned that Morocco has initiated a ‘very ambitious development programme’ for the southern provinces, seeking to create a solid economic base and transforming the region into a key player in Africa. He concluded by saying that these projects ‘demonstrate Morocco's commitment to the region and its people’.
Mohammed Edabadda of the Rotary International Association in Boujdour also focused on refuting the recent EU ruling, clarifying that for Morocco ‘it has no direct relevance’. He also asserted that this is an ‘internal matter for the EU and its institutions’. Edabadda emphasised that, when speaking of significant legal rulings, it should be remembered that high-level courts in New Zealand, London and France have issued judgments contrary to the position of the EU ruling, reaffirming that Morocco's ‘trade agreements are in full conformity with international law’. Finally, he stressed that ‘the only competent authority’ to address the question of the Moroccan Sahara is the UN Security Council, noting that ‘no other entity has the legitimacy to deal with this issue’.
Hammada el Baihi of the Sahara League for Democracy and Human Rights denounced the existence of a ‘hybrid regime’ in the Arab Maghreb, highlighting the Polisario Front as an example of this criminal policy. He referred to the Polisario as the ‘first terrorist group’ of the last century, which emerged thanks to the Algerian regime at a time of stability in North Africa. In the 1990s, the situation was complicated by the civil war in Algeria, which led to a rise in extremism. El Baihi claimed that ‘many leaders of terrorist groups’ come from there, and that there are Polisario elements collaborating with these groups. He described the Tindouf camps as a ‘breeding ground’ for violence and extremism.
On the other hand, Zine El Abidine of the African Forum for Human Rights Research and Studies characterised the Polisario Front as a ‘puppet’ of Algeria, citing its past support by Libya and other communist bloc countries. According to him, Algeria continues to provide arms and resources to the Polisario, which benefits at the expense of the deprivation of its local population. El Abidine noted that the Sahara conflict was exacerbated by countries acting as an ‘arm of the communist bloc’. He drew a parallel between the Polisario and Hezbollah, suggesting an ‘ideological alignment’. He lamented that, unlike the Cold War conflicts that have disappeared, the situation in the Maghreb persists, and called for ‘a solution to this conflict’ that recognises that ‘the world has changed’.
The testimonies of Polisario victims in the Tindouf camps were also present. Mrabih Adda, born in the camps, presents himself as a witness to the human rights violations committed by the Polisario Front. He describes the Polisario as an armed group whose leaders are wanted by European justice and which imposes its will ‘with iron and blood’ in the camps. He also recounted his personal experience of abuse: at the age of 6, he was separated from his family and sent to Gaddafi's Libya. At 14, he was recruited by the Polisario and sent to the desert, where he suffered assault and enslavement. He was then imprisoned in Rashid prison, where he was subjected to physical and psychological torture before being sent against his will to Mauritania. Adda also denounced that ‘the Polisario steals food aid and sells it to terrorist groups, turning the Tindouf camps into a source of supplies for armed groups in the region, including hydrocarbons, medical equipment and food’.
Fadel Breika, a former Polisario prisoner, recounts the horrors he experienced in the detention camps. Breika was arrested and tortured on multiple occasions. The testimony also focuses on the events of 1988, when the Polisario, with the support of the Algerian authorities, tortured and killed hundreds of people in secret prisons. He is not the only one to have lived through that hell. Several former Polisario prisoners and escapees have denounced the existence of torture centres and the systematic repression of any dissidence.
On the other hand, Breika recounted his personal experience in the Tindouf camps from the age of 14. He describes how he and hundreds of children of his generation were indoctrinated and turned into armed elements of the Polisario, which he considers one of the worst forms of exploitation in the modern age.
Lemaadla Mohammed Salem, of the Association against impunity in the Tindouf camps (Alicante), tells how her father was tortured in a secret detention camp before he was born. The Polisario, according to her, carried out acts against the Saharawi population with the help of Algeria. Lemaadla managed to escape from what she describes as ‘Polisario hell’. She accused Polisario leaders of turning the camps into a ‘lawless zone’ where their militia commits serious crimes against the population.
After her flight, she set up an association in Spain dedicated to fighting impunity in the Tindouf camps. This association has documented 134 cases of Saharawis who disappeared after being abducted from the camps. She also emphasised that the responsibility for these acts lies with Algeria, which should guarantee justice and protection to the residents of the camps.
From Spain, the situation in Tindouf has aroused the indignation of activists and academics present at the IV Commission, who see in the actions of the Polisario Front a clear violation of human rights. Pedro Ignacio Altamirano, president of the Altamirano Foundation for Culture and Child Protection, has been one of the most critical voices against the Polisario. Altamirano strongly denounced the recruitment of child soldiers in the Tindouf camps, describing this practice as a serious violation of international law and of the most fundamental rights of children. According to Altamirano, ‘thousands of children are being subjected to unacceptable practices that violate their dignity and their human rights, forced to participate in an armed conflict that robs them of their childhood and their future’.
In his complaint, Altamirano stresses that this practice contravenes the ‘Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child’ on the involvement of children in armed conflict, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 1612, which establishes a mechanism for reporting grave violations against children in conflict zones. Altamirano urgently called on the international community and UN agencies to take concrete action: ‘A thorough and independent investigation into these allegations is imperative. Those responsible must be brought before the International Criminal Court. These children need psychological support in order to rebuild their lives and regain their childhood‘.
María de los Ángeles Ramos Guillén, a lawyer from Gran Canaria, defends the Moroccan autonomy proposal as a viable and sustainable solution for the region. According to Ramos Guillén, the Moroccan initiative is the result of a broad consultation process, both national and international, which has involved all the parties concerned. ‘It is a forward-looking proposal, built on the pillars of respect for the rule of law and individual and collective freedoms. The Moroccan Sahara has come a long way in terms of economic and social development, and it only remains for the international community to fully recognise this autonomy for the region to reach its full potential’, says the lawyer.
Rafael Esparza, professor at the University of Las Palmas de Gran Canaria and president of the Canary Islands-Moroccan Friendship and Cooperation Association (ACAMA), affirms that the Moroccan nature of the Sahara is an indisputable fact. ‘The Sahara is part of Morocco and is widely accepted by the international community. More than 115 countries support the autonomy initiative under Moroccan sovereignty, while the majority of UN members do not recognise the SADR’, says Esparza. However, he strongly criticises the Polisario and the host country of the camps, Algeria, for their refusal to engage in the political process. For Esparza, this intransigence has condemned the inhabitants of the camps to a life of misery and exile. ‘The people living in Tindouf are not even recognised as refugees. The lack of a reliable census is a strategy of the Polisario and Algeria to inflate the figures and continue to receive international aid, perpetuating corruption’, he denounces.
Finally, Ignacio Ortiz Palacio, president of the Fórum Canario Saharaui, also expressed his support for the Moroccan proposal, highlighting the backing it has received from various institutions, such as the recent support of the president of the Canary Islands, Fernando Clavijo. Ortiz lamented the precarious situation of the Saharawis in the Tindouf camps, describing them as ‘pawns in a political game’. ‘While in the Moroccan Sahara a prosperous future is being built, in Tindouf the people live without legal or judicial recourse to protect the rights violations they suffer on a daily basis. Algeria's complicity and refusal to allow a proper population count in the camps are clear indicators that the Polisario has no interest in resolving the conflict’, says Ortiz Palacio, who urges a return to the negotiating tables, especially with Algeria's participation, as an essential part of implementing autonomy.
The voices of the victims, along with those of international experts and observers, offer a complex and harrowing portrait of a conflict that, although it has lasted for decades, seems to have passed a turning point and is nearing its end. As Morocco moves forward with its autonomy and development plan, the future of the Sahara could depend on whether the international community is willing to embrace peace and leave behind the ghosts of the past.
In this evolving scenario, the autonomy proposal stands as a bridge between the preservation of Sahrawi identity, aspirations for progress and family reunion. The infrastructure, education and sustainable development projects flourishing in the territory are tangible witnesses to a vision that seeks to reconcile historical tensions with the opportunities of tomorrow.
The question therefore remains: will international actors be able to set aside the old dynamics of conflict and commit to a future of peace and reconciliation in Western Sahara?
The plenary sessions of this IV UN Commission, related to this issue, are available on UN Web TV:
https://webtv.un.org/es/asset/k16/k161iaj5rb