Constructivism and deconstruction
The deconstruction. The linguistic-philosophical concept elaborated by Jaques Derrida to break down the texts and detach them from their original coherence through the search for the manipulative roots that are hidden in each term, syntactic structure or paragraph and, naturally, in each argumentation. The star product of post-structuralism, which gains strength when the fallacies of the real socialism implemented by the Communist Party of the USSR become apparent and the postmodern left realizes that it must reinvent itself or die.
Derrida then speaks badly about Fukuyama and worse about liberal democracy. Chomsky, a linguist and guru of the exaggerated and millionaire critique of dominant American capitalism, does not like competition and, therefore, does not like Derrida. But the university departments and intellectuals of the French, European and American left find it fascinating to build a second Chomsky. That he is also not another German of the Frankfurt School and that he can be very useful to reinforce the exhausted critical thinking. The enemy is the same: liberal democracy. His success and his principles. The material is also the same: political, historical and cultural texts that must be reviewed in their entirety, now also on social networks.
The constructivism. The socio-political concept that understands that society is conceived from identities, whose nature is not stable but dynamic and, therefore, generates a permanent transformation of structures and institutions, through an interpretation adaptable to each case or convenience. The dream of any demagogue, made real in the new political framework. Also in the constructivist theory of International Relations where social identities are those that generate the processes of exchange, confrontation and reaction. Ahead of states, international organizations or multinational companies. The critical left also likes the new theory that makes its way, with little success, between the realist and liberal doctrines. Always bourgeois and reactionary. Fascists in a few years, when the crisis opens the way of the street. Like democracy. That has provoked hatred and war in the Arab countries and in various morally neutral autocracies.
Populism. The construction of agitators without ideological foundation or political training to lead the collision between identities through political action and the reconfiguration of media and messages. Putting in the same basket the decadent ideas of the past and the most efficient proposals for destabilization, the emotional ones. The objective: the weakening of liberal democracy, its constitutions, its principles and Western, national and international institutions. The opportunity: permeability and connectivity brought about by globalization.
The first step of this constructivist, populist and de–constructionist strategy has left the European and American democracies seriously damaged. Damaged, but not destroyed. Because this perverse process of transformation, which in turn weakens the essence of true transformation, technological and energy, so that it can be maintained over time, needs weakened democracy to continue to exist. Firstly, because there is no capacity to generate a viable alternative at the moment. And secondly, because the theoretical-practical framework that the critical sectors have made their own is not destructive but deconstructive. And therefore the deterioration on which its beneficiaries feed must be progressive, volatile and uncertain.
China is not wrong to set a date, 2049, for its leap to the category of the first global and hegemonic power in Asia. He is not mistaken because the mentality of his communist government is traditional and the Party needs fireworks and commemorations to survive. But the designers and leaders of the different constructivist, post-communist forces do not care about time. They care that the results of the elections in Spain have left a politically ungovernable country; that the processes against Donald Trump continue to generate polarization in the United States; and that Giorgia Meloni is first of the extreme right, then accepts NATO and the European Union and later shakes up the banks with a tax that makes the stock markets tremble.
It is not surprising that Bildu, the Catalan secessionists, the different factions of Sumar, Basque nationalism or the most extremist wing of Vox, do not find the political situation that has been generated in the last decade inconceivable. They follow the favorable path marked by the global trend. What is more strange is that democratic socialism with a liberal progressive root, which got rid of its Marxist and anti-capitalist heritage, has not been able to get rid of the corrosive new ideas of a radicalized constructivism that has no other objective than to undo the foundations of the free societies that we in Spain and the rest of the democratic nations have built.