The key role of tribes in the Sahara

It is a real pleasure for me to express my opinion on a subject of great importance, which touches on both the history and the shared diplomatic memory of Morocco and Spain: the lifting of the colonial burden, which began with the Madrid Accords of 1975.

Morocco has had a unique experience of colonisation and decolonisation in the region. The Kingdom was a French protectorate in the centre, with a Spanish presence in the north and south, and the granting of international status to the city of Tangier.
The decolonisation process in southern Morocco took place in several stages, beginning with the recovery of Tarfaya in 1958 and Sidi Ifni in 1969, followed by the Sahara from 1975 onwards.

Spain's position, as the administering power with full competence and authority over Western Sahara, with regard to Morocco, has evolved significantly over time, beginning with the 1975 agreements, followed by a disengagement, and more recently, since 7 April 2022, showing its support for Morocco's 2007 initiative for autonomy for the Sahara and accepting Morocco's approach.

In November 1975, in a changing international context and with a growing consensus on the need for decolonisation of the Sahara, Spain signed, after the necessary negotiations, the Tripartite Agreements of Madrid, which marked the beginning of the end of Spain's presence as a power in the región and established a temporary administration that included the heads of tribes who were integrated into the General Assembly, also known as the Yemáa, created by Decree in 1967, to which the 1975 agreement specifically referred. This highlights the importance of the tribal system in shaping the will of the Sahrawi people, as recently reaffirmed at the Third International Conference for Dialogue and Peace in Western Sahara organised by the Sahrawi Movement for Peace on 27 February this year in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria.

This was followed by Law 40/1975 of 19 November, in which the Spanish Parliament empowered the Government to carry out the decolonisation of the Sahara territory.
Another important diplomatic event that consolidated the Spanish decision was the letter sent on 26 February 1976 by the permanent representative of Spain to the United Nations to the Secretary-General, in which Spain formally announced the end of its presence in the Sahara and declined all international responsibility in relation to the administration of that territory, which remained de facto under the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Morocco.

More recently, in the joint statement of 7 April 2022, the Spanish Government, through its president, declared that the ‘Moroccan Autonomy Plan constitutes the most serious, realistic and credible basis for the resolution of this regional dispute’. Accepting an irrefutable and undeniable reality, that of the rights of the Kingdom over its Saharan provinces.

Today, there is no doubt that Spain, the former colonial power administering the region, by supporting the 2007 autonomy statute, recognises Morocco's effective sovereignty over its Sahara, since, legally speaking, it is impossible to accept a system of autonomy without recognising Morocco's sovereignty over Western Sahara, as both legal concepts are inherent. For Morocco, this territory has always been an integral part of the Cherifian empire, to which it was and continues to be naturally and historically linked.

With the dispute now approaching its 50th anniversary, it is clear that the referendum is now an outdated solution, which is also inapplicable according to the terms expressed by the UN Secretary-General himself, who is committed to a political solution instead.

Spain's clear and unequivocal position in support of the autonomy proposed by Morocco as the only viable solution to the conflict has been reiterated recently by the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Albares, at the meeting held in April 2025 with his Moroccan counterpart in Madrid.

Continuing along the same lines, in a subsequent radio interview, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Manuel Albares, described as ‘irresponsible those who rely on supposed principles to maintain a conflict that has been ongoing for almost 50 years. How much longer? He asked, for 100 years? He thus rejected the maintenance of the current situation, which is highly unfavourable for progress towards a definitive solution to the conflict.

The alteration of this status quo will undoubtedly be a catalyst for peace and stability in the region, and a sustainable solution to the Sahara conflict, in keeping with the spirit that inspired the 1975 Madrid Accords in the search for peace in the area.

Today, cooperation between Morocco and Spain is more necessary tan ever, given their shared history, common interests and the challenges inherent to the Euro-Mediterranean area, which both Kingdoms aspire to face with resilience in the future.

Morocco's commitment was clear in its collaboration and solidarity with Spain during the disastrous floods in Valencia, and more recently with its assistance in the wake of the blackout suffered by Spain.

Spain is currently the Kingdom's leading economic partner, marking the the beginnings of fruitful commercial cooperation. Cooperation now extends to such strategic areas as regional security, migration management, trade, renewable energies, culture and education, illustrating a multidimensional and multifaceted collaboration, which Minister Albares explained in detail recently. Including the field of sport, both countries are organising the 2030 World Cup together with Portugal.

I am convinced that this shared history, enriched by memory and driven by ambition, will contribute to establishing an exceptional partnership between Morocco and Spain and will undoubtedly generate momentum for the development of the region and cooperation with the European Union.

Finally, as a native of the Canary Islands, I would like to highlight the importance of the statements made by the President of the Canary Islands, Mr Clavijo, in October 2024, supporting Morocco's proposal for autonomy as the most serious, realistic and credible basis for the resolution of this regional dispute. This is of great importance, even though foreign relations and foreign policy are not the responsibility of the autonomous communities, but of the State, for two reasons: firstly, because Mr Clavijo is president of the Autonomous Community of the Canary Islands, one of the 17 autonomous communities that make up the Spanish State, and therefore knows perfectly well what he is talking about, and secondly, because of the proximity of the Canary Islands to this land. 

The warm welcome received by President Clavijo during his visit to Morocco was expressly acknowledged by Minister Albares.

María Ángeles Ramos, lawyer.