Mohammed VI rejects unequal development in Morocco's progress

1. Inequalities
2. Useful Morocco vs. useless Morocco
3. The latest figures from the HCP
4. Assessment of the demonstrations

In his speech on the anniversary of his accession to the throne last July, King Mohammed VI stressed the urgency of overcoming the structural divide in ‘a Morocco advancing at two speeds’ through the implementation of an advanced regionalisation plan that is equitable and adapted to the country's territorial diversity. 

Barely two months later, Moroccan youth are staging a wave of demonstrations and protests. They are demanding that all Moroccans be guaranteed the level of human development they deserve and access to quality services in sectors such as health, education and infrastructure.

The sovereign has insisted on eliminating social and territorial disparities, warning of the worrying delay in the development of the regions. This is the harsh reality of a fractured country, now highlighted by the alarming figures published by the High Commissioner for Planning.

Inequalities

Mohammed VI has called for the elimination of inequalities and the guarantee of equitable development for the entire Moroccan population, in order to avoid a Morocco that is advancing at two speeds, benefiting one category of citizens and marginalising others. 

After a statistical anomaly, these disparities now represent a significant political and social risk, as they threaten the country's national cohesion: the less developed regions harbour a deep sense of injustice and exclusion, which has led to pent-up anger that is now exploding, with the young people of ‘Gen Z 212’ at the forefront.

This unbalanced development has fuelled the informal economy, which has led young people, faced with the miserable conditions in other regions, to opt for mass migration to Casablanca, Rabat and Tangier, cities that are experiencing strong pressure on their urban public services due to the high unemployment rate among young graduates in the suburbs, as well as totally anarchic urbanisation.

The concentration of Morocco's wealth in a few metropolises is a serious problem that the country must address in order to make each region an engine of development and prosperity adapted to its specific characteristics, guaranteeing dignity, territorial justice and a sense of belonging. 

The challenge is to redistribute growth in order to unlock marginalised regions by investing in infrastructure, health, education and local employment. In this vein, the new development model that promised a new pact between the state and its citizens must respond to the aspirations of young Moroccans in terms of employment, health and education through: 

• The creation of decent and accessible jobs.
• The reduction of social degradation.
• The end of nepotism and greater transparency in access to opportunities. 
• Universal access to quality healthcare. 
• The equitable distribution of healthcare infrastructure throughout the country. 
• The rehabilitation of public schools. 
• A substantial improvement in the quality of learning. 
• The adaptation of training to the needs of the labour market. 
• Improving teachers' pedagogical skills. 
• Establishing an effective school guidance system to maximise the chances of success. 

In its fight against all forms of exclusion to ensure true territorial equity, Morocco has established four priorities: 

• Job creation, highlighting regional economic potential and promoting local entrepreneurship. 
• Strengthening basic social services, such as education and health, to establish citizen dignity and spatial justice.
• Proactive and sustainable management of water resources, vital in the context of climate change.
• Accelerating integrated territorial projects in complementarity with national megaprojects already underway.

Useful Morocco vs. useless Morocco 

The colonial vision of ‘useful Morocco’ and ‘useless Morocco’ still weighs heavily on the perception and management of the national territory, pitting a supposedly dynamic Morocco integrated into globalisation against the other marginalised and rural Morocco, a mere spectator that lacks strategic priority. 

This is the consequence of the state centralisation schemes inherited from the post-independence period, which have created a territorial hierarchy in which the state directs its investments and public policies primarily towards the three poles already integrated into the global development dynamic.

The idea of ‘useful Morocco and useless Morocco’ is incompatible with the concept of a unified and supportive nation that values territorial diversity and wants to contribute effectively to the realisation of the country's African and Mediterranean ambitions.

The latest figures from the HCP

The data from the High Commission for Planning (HCP) are clear and reflect the reality of a country where prosperity is concentrated and inequalities crystallise despite promises of advanced regionalisation, which have remained stuck in rhetoric. 

This imbalance is the result of decades of centralisation that have led to exclusive development in three areas: Casablanca, the economic heart; Rabat, the institutional showcase; and Tangier, the industrial centre.

The economic metropolis of Casablanca-Settat accounts for 25% of national expenditure. It is a hub for multinationals, industrial zones, corporate headquarters and gleaming shopping centres, where people consume, spend and invest. Meanwhile, the political and administrative showcase of Rabat-Salé-Kenitra (14.6%) is reinforced by a diversified economic fabric and represents purchasing power above the national average. For its part, Tangier-Tetouan-Al Hoceima (11.7%) benefits from its openness to Europe, its port and its free zones.

Despite being heritage cities, the Fez-Meknes region (11.5%) continues to have significant economic weight, as does the Marrakech-Safi region (11.3%), driven by tourism.

These five regions are considered the real engines of the national economy, where income circulates, modern infrastructure is installed, hypermarkets flourish and an active middle class is consolidated. 

On the other side of Morocco, the paradox is clear, with low levels of development and consumption. The regions of Dakhla-Oued Eddahab and Guelmim-Oued Nun account for only 0.8% of national expenditure, and Souss-Massa for no more than 7.2%, as consumption in these areas is held back by a lack of stable jobs, quality public services and excessively low incomes. 

In some rural areas, purchasing power is still insufficient to cover basic needs and is marked by the logic of survival. This is the Morocco that does not appear in advertisements, but sees how rich regions attract investment and create more jobs, thereby consuming more, while poor regions remain marginalised, lose their youth to rural exodus and consume less and less every day.

This injustice is the key factor that has driven Generation Z to protest on social media and in mass demonstrations in the streets of several Moroccan cities to demand their rights to a decent life, stable jobs, quality health services and an education that meets the requirements of the labour market.

Assessment of the demonstrations

The recent demands of Generation Z are, on the one hand, a sign that conveys the desire for change for a vibrant society supported by a conscious youth with legitimate aspirations. On the other hand, it is an alarm that indicates the explosion of a social bomb that adversaries could exploit to create divisions and conflicts in a united country characterised by political stability. 

These demonstrations come at a critical moment, with Morocco facing a crucial moment in its history with the organisation of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations and the 2030 World Cup, which involve major institutional, economic and diplomatic transformations.

It is the young people themselves who have taken to the streets to change this reality and who, in some areas, have deviated from the objective of peaceful protests to engage in clashes and violent acts, forcing the security forces to carry out several interventions on Tuesday 30 September to preserve security and public order.

The spokesperson for the Ministry of the Interior, Rachid El Khalfi, told the press that ‘these operations were also intended to prevent any threat to the safety of citizens, while taking the necessary measures to preserve individual and collective rights and freedoms.’

El Khalfi noted that some of these protests had escalated dangerously in terms of security and public order after turning into violent demonstrations. A group of people used knives, Molotov cocktails and threw stones, causing 263 injuries of varying degrees among law enforcement officers and 23 other people, one of whom required medical attention in Oujda. These incidents also caused fires and serious damage to 142 law enforcement vehicles and 20 other vehicles belonging to private individuals.