The challenges of heterogeneous societies in building peace in the Sahel: the case of Mali

The Sahel States are characterised by ethnically and religiously heterogeneous societies, which make governance difficult. The problems of heterogeneous societies are characteristic of Africa, with clear examples of ethnic and religious conflicts in Nigeria, Central African Republic and Sudan/South Sudan, but other examples such as Lebanon and Yugoslavia show how problems of social cohesion exist in most heterogeneous states regardless of the continent.

In such young states, where the nation-state project has not yet been fully consolidated, the population identifies more with its ethnic group, tribe or religious leader and not necessarily with political leaders. They consider that their communities have existed before, during and after colonisation. Even if the state was governed by one or the other, calling it by a different name, the community has remained unchanged despite all these changes. To illustrate the challenges of heterogeneous societies, the case of Mali in particular will be analysed, but it is important to understand that the problems are shared by other states in the Sahel region, such as Burkina Faso and Niger. 

The collapse of Mali in 2013, a country previously marked by stability, highlighted the lack of social cohesion between different community groups. This is particularly true in the north and centre of the country, as the heterogeneity of the populations poses constant economic, security and political challenges.  

In the north, Tuareg groups have been fighting for the independence of the Azawad every ten years or so since Mali's independence, the last revolution being in 2012, which ended with a coup d'état and the expansion of Jihadism in Mali. Even before the war, the central state had virtually no solid presence in the northern region, which was de facto controlled by Tuareg groups. 

Some Tuareg tribes in the north do not consider the Malian national project to include them. The Tuareg issue and the problems of their integration into the national projects are shared with other countries such as Niger, but in the case of Mali, as most of them are in the northern part and not throughout the territory, it is easier for them to claim sovereignty.  

As a consequence of the Tuareg revolutions, the population of central Mali has suffered the ravages of having an insecure neighbouring region, with an increase in common crime, cattle theft and 'razzias'. This insecurity has prevented the proper development of the economic activities of the people of central Mali, especially nomadic pastoralists who had to pass through regions controlled by Tuareg groups, such as the transhumance route from Karéri to Niafunké.  

The population of the centre has played a relatively peaceful role during the Tuareg revolutions, even supporting the Malian state in the case of the rebellion of the 1990s. Even so, this region has been, according to its inhabitants, forgotten by the state.

The last Tuareg revolution had a particular impact on central Mali, yet in the 2015 Algiers Peace Agreements, which put an end to the northern revolution, no mention was made of central Mali, nor was any representative or armed group included, nor was the issue of Jihadist radicalisation, which was already becoming a problem in the Macina region, addressed. The lack of inclusion of certain communities in the peace processes means that they do not feel represented.

The region of central Mali is one of the most ethnically diverse, containing half of the country's ethnic groups and most of the production systems: sedentary agriculture, pastoralism, sedentary fishing, and agro-pastoralism. In such an ethnically diverse area, conflicts arise from the competition between communities for the distribution of natural resources necessary for their economic systems. Among the most common inter-community tensions are: poor land distribution, tensions over water use, theft of property and livestock, and deterioration of crops by transhumant animals.

In one of the regions where greatest inter-ethnic conflict exists is the Niger Delta plain (in central Mali), known as Dogon country, where tensions between the Peul and Dogon communities are a cause of conflict in the region. The Dogon are mainly engaged in hunting or agriculture. Because of climate change, the land previously used for agriculture is too eroded and the Dogon have to move down to the plains of Dogon country where Peul herders normally take their animals. This situation causes tensions between the communities, especially when the livestock of the nomadic Peul communities destroy the land on which the Dogon are farming.

On the other hand, apart from the climatic conditions, with a population growth marked by a high birth rate of six children per woman, inter-community tensions increase as more people are living for less territory and resources. With the arrival of arms in the region from northern Mali and the increase in common criminality, disputes between communities that used to be settled peacefully, by the traditional councils of village elders, are now resolved with arms.  

The examples of tensions between Tuareg, Peul and Dogon groups represent the intrinsic difficulties of States with such heterogeneous societies, in which different communities live together, each with its own social and legal customs and economic models. At national level, being able to represent such diversity in structures is complex; there is always a group that feels its interests are not being represented. 

On the other hand, the fact that some politicians and military personnel are loyal first and foremost to their communities and their traditional chiefs highlights the lack of social cohesion and agreement on the project of state that is Mali. Like all states in the world, the borders of the Malian state were defined by a group of people at a particular historical moment, but they are not fixed.

The State is an entity of reason created by a society that can change its mind if it no longer considers that project to be its own. Some Tuareg groups have been very clear about this since the revolutions of the 1960s. 

Therefore, regardless of the current situation with the coup d'état and the problems of Jihadist terrorism, it is essential to take into account the intrinsic challenges of heterogeneous societies in order to restore lasting peace.

Addressing this structural problem may mean questioning the state model and the functioning of its structures to bring them into line with what Malian society needs. Only in this way can a national identity be created to last over time.