Does the monarchical alternative stand a chance in Iran?

The unstoppable Iranian popular revolt that began last September to overthrow the Iranian theocracy has entered a new phase. While the regime continues to execute and torture to silence the protest movement, resistance units, insurgent youth groups, trade union activists and minorities are organising for the next confrontation. The wave of popular revolt has come, and will come again, it is inescapable. This time it risks sealing the end of the theocratic dictatorship.

In this sense, the unity and cohesion of the resistance forces is a key element for the success of the movement. For regime change to take place, it is necessary not only to reject the current power, but also for a credible political alternative to give an outlet to the liberation struggle. The national sentiment that strongly motivates the regime's opponents is the unifying element that can bring together the multiple political groups of the opposition. The aspiration to realise a new, modern, democratic and secular Iran allows for the formation of a solid political alliance to overthrow the theocracy. 

However, it is regrettable to note that some initiatives purporting to represent the alternative are involved in creating more division than unity within the opposition movement. These include an unofficial alliance around the Shah's son, Reza Pahlavi, announced on 10 February 2023 in Washington by some oppositionists in exile. Any initiative to unite opponents around a common agenda, both for the overthrow of the regime and for what will replace it, is a welcome initiative and enthusiastically welcomed by the Iranian people. But to achieve consensus it must be forward-looking. In this case, the inclusion of the former dictator's son is seen by many Iranians as a step backwards and a renunciation of the emancipatory values of the 1979 popular revolution that swept away the age-old monarchical despotism of the country of Persia.

The vast majority of Iranians still believe that the crimes of Khomeini and Khamenei should not be forgotten. Moreover, throughout history, no people who have rid themselves of the monarchical system have ever willingly agreed to turn back the clock. This is considered an insult to the intelligence of Iranians. In authoritarian systems such as Iran's, monarchy is inherently undemocratic and cannot be compared to Western-style constitutional monarchies. The genesis of the Pahlavi dynasty is revealing in this respect: the grandfather came to power through a British-initiated coup in 1925 and the father was restored to power through another CIA-initiated coup in 1953.

Nevertheless, Reza Pahlavi is entitled to play the democratic game like any ordinary Iranian citizen. But to do so, he must fulfil four conditions: 1- First, he must renounce his title of crown prince; 2- He must denounce the abuses and tortures practised under his father's reign and distance himself from the SAVAK (the Shah's infamous secret police) which forms his entourage; 3- He must definitively reject the monarchy and proclaim his adherence to the republican system; 4- He must return to the Iranian people part of the billions of dollars illegally embezzled by his father.

So far, Reza Pahlavi has refused to compromise on these four criteria of political legitimacy, which he largely lacks. Two other elements contribute to his disqualification: his disregard for the autonomy claims of ethnic minorities within the framework of Iran's territorial integrity, which has earned him the alienation of the Kurdish and Baluchi peoples. On the other hand, his connections with the Pasdaran (the regime's repressive army), which he openly flaunts and relies on to carry out his project, are painful. "I am in bilateral contact with the military, the Revolutionary Guards and the Bassidj. We communicate. They are signalling that they are ready and expressing their willingness to align with the people," he told Iran International in 2018. Speaking at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (18 December 2018), he reiterated that his hope for change lies with the Pasdaran forces and the Bassidj militia, claiming to be in contact with "very well-placed" elements.

The reality is that the return to monarchy project is not a genuine movement, but a hijacking of the aspirations and sacrifices of the Iranian people, just as Khomeini hijacked his anti-monarchist revolution in 1979. This project appears to be a media bubble artificially promoted by foreign TV channels, in particular the Saudi-funded "Iran International". Moreover, the regime's strategists are no strangers to promoting the monarchical option, as some media outlets have leaked the role of the Iranian services in promoting the "monarchical alternative", which lacks organisation and structure in the country, to the detriment of the structures within the country that are the lifeblood of the uprising and that proclaim loud and clear: "Down with the dictatorship, be it the Shah or the mullahs".

It is clear that the Iranian people aspire to a just and democratic society, in which no individual receives preferential treatment on the basis of religion, birth or any other arbitrary criteria. They aspire to a republic that values equality, freedom and respect for human dignity, where every citizen's voice is heard and their rights are protected.

Article published in pan.be