Haqqani Afghanistan: Year 3
The reality today is that the Taliban regime has not opened up the country in any way, and in terms of rights and freedoms, the country has suffered a major setback, especially for Afghan women, who have been practically excluded from the public and labour sphere, allowing women to be represented in hospital maternity wards as doctors, nurses, assistants and cleaners, as well as in the police force in a very limited way. Nor has there been any willingness for the government to be inclusive, being composed exclusively of members of Sunni and Taliban backgrounds.
The consolidation of the taliban regime
The third year of the Taliban regime has been one of consolidation, as it has managed to survive internal tensions, international pressure, economic crisis and the insecurity created by its main internal enemy, the Afghan Daesh. On the other hand, during the beginning of the regime in August 2021, they made it clear that for them the persecution of women's rights was going to be one of their objectives. Many rights have been persecuted, but women's right to education has been one of the regime's main objectives, to the extent that they banned the education of girls from the age of twelve, but without a doubt, the laws passed this summer have been the ones that have made the international community even more tense.
The Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice issued a series of compulsory laws, notably requiring Afghan women to cover their faces and bodies to avoid temptation, but, above all, forcing them to remain silent in public places, preventing their voices from being heard (1). Undoubtedly, the Taliban regime, bent on this misogynistic apartheid, wants to erase more than twenty million people from the streets of Afghanistan and to reduce their presence to a minimum or to the strictly domestic sphere once they are over the age of twelve. All these prohibitions are in addition to those already known about not going alone on their journeys, going to hairdressers, beauty salons and gyms or not looking out of the windows of their homes, unless the glass is opaque, among other prohibitions (2).
Such is the damage to Afghan families caused by this misogynist and totalitarian regime that many have seen their economic income decrease because women are not allowed to have a job, except for a representation in maternity wards and in the police, where the Taliban announced in November 2022, the training of one hundred female agents (3) to repress Afghan women who went out on the streets to protest against the deprivation of rights. These female officers were never heard from again. Given the gender gap, it is easy to deduce the pay gap that this is causing. The effect this is having on many girls under the age of 16 is that they are forcibly married off, which allows many of their families to receive a dowry and alleviate some of their economic situation. This is also leading many girls to depression and suicide (4).
As mentioned above, the laws against women that have attracted the most international criticism have been those passed in August by the Taliban's interim minister of virtue and vice, Mohammad Khalid Hanafi, which prohibits Afghan women from speaking in public and wearing tight clothing (5), and they are not allowed to wear perfumes that imitate the customs of non-Muslim women. This further increased international pressure on the government to repeal these laws, but these pressures did not have any effect. Sirajuddin Haqqani months ago, before the visit of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, asked for patience in dealing with such an important issue for them, assuring that the ban on female education would not be permanent (6), and that the Islamic Emirate was committed to guaranteeing the rights of the Sharia for the whole nation, from which it was deduced that any opening would be very difficult given the Taliban interpretation of this law.
As for internal tensions, they have not been so serious as to break the Taliban government in two, these differences being more of form than of content, bearing in mind that the Taliban government is a single-colour bloc, Sunni and with a very radical view of Sharia law. Haibatullah Akhunzada as the spiritual leader of the Islamic Emirate did not want dissent, the red line being that Sharia law must not be overstepped, so the views expressed by the interim interior minister Sirajuddin Haqqani and the Defence Minister Mula Yaqoob, both more inclined to dialogue on sensitive issues such as women's rights, had to conform to the lines set by their government as a whole, doctrinally led by Akhunzada, without forgetting that this does not make them moderates, as they all agree that the country's destinies should be carried out under the prism of Sharia law, always under Taliban interpretation.
In line with these apparent internal differences between members of the government on different issues, there was a meeting this year in mid-July in Kandahar (7), at the request of Supreme Leader Akhunzada, attended by Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani, Defence Minister Yaqoob Mujahid and Intelligence Chief Abdul Haq Wasiq, with the leader ordering all those present to coordinate and obey, and this is not the first time that Akhunzada has called the first two to order. In 2023, both questioned the spiritual leader's leadership, calling Haqqani to order for lack of respect, the Taliban spokesman making it clear at the time that criticism should be made in private, thus settling any controversy.
With all this, most countries are clear that there is no reason for international recognition, although there are surrounding countries that have been willing to engage in diplomatic and trade relations without recognition for the time being. China is one of the countries that has had the most commercial and diplomatic contact with the regime since its entry into Kabul in 2021, which did not lead to the closure of the embassy.
It has been three years of frequent contacts and meetings with its authorities, leading to the appointment in September 2023 of the ambassador and permanent representative in Kabul, Zhao Xingel (8), culminating in a reciprocal manner three months later with the appointment of the Taliban Asadullah Bilal Karimi as ambassador in Beijing, the first Taliban ambassador to be officially recognised by a foreign country.
With regard to Afghan women's rights, the Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang said in 2023 that China was concerned about the impact of the Taliban government's policies on women's rights in Afghanistan, (9) although he also commented that this issue was not the only problem facing the country.
Another similar case is that of Russia, which also had diplomatic representation from the beginning of the regime with its embassy operational. During this year, its ambassador, Dmitry Zhirnov, went so far as to say of the Taliban government that it was trying to eradicate terrorism (10). Russia's ambassador to the UN, Vasili Nebenzia, was also clear this summer about a future official recognition of the Taliban government, calling for pragmatism, as the Taliban were the ones ruling the country (11). Even Russian President Vladimir Putin mentioned the known internal problems of the Taliban government (12), but the question, he said, was how to build relations with the current government.
But Taliban regime officials also had more controversial meetings, such as the one in June this year in Tehran, Iran, between a Taliban government delegation and Hamas leader Ismail Haniya, who was killed in late July when a bomb exploded at his residence in the Iranian capital. The two delegations had already met in Turkey in June 2022, where they discussed the need to promote bilateral relations and support the Palestinians (13).
The last diplomatic step was taken by one of the world's richest countries, the United Arab Emirates, by accepting the credentials of the new Taliban ambassador Badruddin Haqqani in August 2021 (14). This appointment was preceded by a high-level meeting in Dubai in the first week of June this year between President Mohamed Bin Zayed al Nahyan and the brothers Sirajuddin and Anas Haqqani, who were accompanied by their right-hand man and Taliban intelligence chief Abdul Haq Wasiq. The UAE, despite diplomatic contact with the former months ago, was concerned about the decisions being taken by the Taliban leadership against women's rights.
The UAE President's brother, Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, who serves as Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, met with his Turkish counterpart Mevlut Cavusoglu in mid-2023, expressing concern about the Taliban regime's decisions regarding women's rights, going so far as to say that these decisions violated basic human rights, noting that the Islamic religion holds women in a privileged position, safeguarding their rights (15), and mentioning the importance of full and equal participation of women and girls in all aspects of life. The UAE attaches great importance to women in political leadership positions. Women comprise 50% of the UAE's Federal National Council and 27.5% of the federal cabinet (16). And it was one of these women who holds the post of Ambassador and Deputy Minister of Political Affairs and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York, Lana Nusseibeh (17), who condemned the Taliban's decision to ban Afghan women and girls from higher education, undermining the international community's efforts to engage with the Taliban leadership. The UAE said this decision violates fundamental human rights, contravening the teachings of Islam.
In September 2023, a delegation from the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation met with the Taliban interim government authorities in Kabul to discuss the issue of women's education, stressing ‘the need to make every effort to enable children to enrol in all levels of education and all specialisations needed by the Afghan people at this critical stage of their history’ (18). However, Taliban government leaders paid lip service in public, without finally taking any action. Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani called for patience, but the fact is that the Taliban authorities have repeatedly demonstrated their unwillingness to address the issue of women's rights; on the contrary, the decisions they have taken since the beginning of this year have been along the lines of annulling them even more. This has led to the resounding criticism of the UN, above all as a result of the law that silences women in public, with the Taliban regime responding by ceasing collaboration and even banning Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur for Afghanistan, from entering the country (19).
The regime's authorities did not take steps in favour of human rights and women's rights this had economic consequences, as international economic income and financing decreased, also in part due to the global economic recession, all of which produced a food crisis, which not even the increasingly fewer economic contributions from international organizations could solve and thus prevent a food collapse (20).
On contributions and aid, the Minister of Refugees and Repatriation and uncle of Sirajuddin and Anas, Khalil Rahman Haqqani, met with a delegation from the European Union, led by Sara Rinaldi, who said that the EU would not abandon the Afghans, signing a memorandum of 15 million euros for returning Afghan refugees (21).
As for the difficult security situation that the Taliban regime is going through, they know that they must stay away from terrorist organisations and not actively or passively harbour them according to the Doha treaties, and the issue is that Pakistan accuses them of harbouring the Taliban terrorists of the Tehrik-e Taliban (TTP) when they carry out attacks in the border areas of Pakistan (22), especially in the Waziristan region, an issue denied by the Afghan Taliban government but assured by the Pakistani government. In this regard, although the Taliban regime's authorities do not actively support the TTP in its fight against the Pakistani state, it may be that, by acting passively and not preventing its border from becoming permeable to TTP terrorists, it is in some way allowing the use of Afghan soil for terrorist purposes. This has led to serious tensions between the two countries. In September this year, a serious border clash took place in which eight Taliban soldiers were killed (23).
Also US General Erik Kurilla, head of the US Central Command (CENTCOM), told the US Senate Armed Services Committee about the Taliban's unwillingness to rein in militant groups, including the TTP, in Afghanistan (24).
As for al-Qaeda, the terrorist organisation's footprint in Afghanistan has always been constant. The organisation began its trajectory in Afghanistan in the late 1980s under Jalaluddin Haqqani, the patriarch and founder of the Haqqani clan, who was in close contact with the late al-Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden. More than 30 years later, it was former Uzbek leader Abdul Rashid Dostum, who fought against the Taliban regime from 1996-2001, who said in February 2021 that al-Qaeda's footprint was visible in Badghis province, as the presence of Osama bin Laden's grandson Nasruddin was detected in the company of Saifuddin Haqqani, son of Sirajuddin Haqqani (25). The late al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri also left his mark in Afghanistan, to the extent that he was located by the CIA in July 2022 in a flat in Kabul owned by Sirajuddin Haqqani's entourage, which highlighted the close contact that al-Qaeda leaders had with the Haqqani clan. According to sources in the digital Afghanistan International (26), Sirajuddin knew from members of his intelligence service that the al-Qaeda leader was in Kabul; in fact, according to the information, he gave the order for him to be transferred to this flat in the capital, where he was located by the CIA, thus contravening the conditions of the Doha treaty. But it was not only this relationship that concerned the location of al-Qaeda members in Afghanistan. The Jerusalem Post (27) mentioned a report by the UN Security Council in January, which stated that the terrorist organisation had established eight new training camps, further tightening the net on the contact between members of the Taliban government and the al-Qaeda terrorist organisation.
Undoubtedly, the great concern for the Taliban government is the terrorism of the Afghan Daesh or ISIS-K, the main internal threat during this third year, with bloody attacks in different parts of the country where the worst part has been borne by the Shiite Hazara minority, whom the Afghan Daesh considers heretics. In October 2023, Daesh attacked a sports club in the Dasht-e-Barchi neighbourhood of Kabul, where members of the Shiite community frequently gathered, killing four people. A month later, the Hazaras were again targeted in the same area when a bus was attacked with an explosive device, killing seven people (28).
In December, in the town of Herat, seven members of the Shiite community, including two clerics, were shot dead in a transport as they were returning home (29). But the Taliban militia and other civilians have also been targeted by terrorists. In March, one of the most serious attacks so far this year was carried out, targeting a bank in Kandahar, killing 21 members of the Taliban regime who were queuing to collect their salaries, when a Daesh suicide bomber took advantage of the situation to detonate a charge in the crowd (30). In May this year, a Taliban convoy was hit by an explosive device on a motorbike in Faizabad province, killing three Taliban. But civilians have also been targeted by Afghan Daesh. In May this year, three Spanish tourists and three other Afghan civilians (31) were killed in a Daesh attack in the province of Bamiyan, one of the country's main tourist hotspots.
All these terrorist actions contrast with the declarations of the chief of staff of the Afghan army, the Taliban Fasihuddin Fitrat, who said that Daesh had been completely destroyed in the territory, with no terrorist cells remaining in the country, which was completely safe for its neighbours, according to Fitrat. Indeed, Daesh made its presence felt again on 2 August in a Kabul neighbourhood when it detonated a bomb, killing six civilians.
To illustrate the danger posed by Daesh, this article was informed by the opinion of professor and expert on jihadist terrorism David Odalric de Caixal, who commented on Daesh and its Afghan affiliate as follows:
‘The threat posed by Daesh to international peace and security remains high, with the result that security policies and police and intelligence actions must increase their proactive security actions. The group and its affiliates are highly resilient and adaptive despite continued counter-terrorism efforts. Only global action can address this threat. Daesh and its affiliates have expanded their activities in various parts of Africa, Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, resulting in a significant increase in attacks and civilian deaths. On the other hand, it highlights that the Daesh affiliate in Afghanistan, the Islamic State of Khorasan (ISIS-K), poses a significant increase in risk and heightened concern. Indeed, the affiliate in Afghanistan is being used to project the terrorist threat beyond its borders, using the Afghan and Central African diaspora communities for logistical and financial support for its terrorist activities. Recent attacks in the European Union and elsewhere in the world have highlighted the need for the EU to work across the board to prevent and combat terrorism in order to establish proactive rather than passive measures in the fight against terrorism and to prevent the increase in lone wolf attacks in recent months in Europe. There is a need to identify current security challenges and to act swiftly and in a concerted manner to modernise relevant legislation, ensure that it is fully implemented, improve cooperation and exchange critical information'.
Conclusions
While the spotlight was on this second Taliban regime in August 2021, they ensured that the international community had the perception that they were not the same in terms of repression and prohibition of rights as their predecessors in the first regime between 1996-2001. But once the first few months had passed and the international spotlight had moved away, an unprecedented war on women's rights began. All this has contributed to the fact that some neighbouring countries do not contemplate recognising the Taliban government, and so far only trade and diplomatic relations have been established, such as the appointment of ambassadors and the opening of embassies, but without international recognition. In an oppressive and totalitarian environment such as the one in question, it is very difficult to recognise the Taliban government internationally as legitimate, and international criticism of the Taliban government is widespread, including that of the UN representatives in Afghanistan in the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), who harshly criticised the latest restrictive measures against Afghan citizens, especially women.
UNAMA's Special Representative Roza Otunbayeva said that the approval by the Ministry of Virtue and Preventing Vice of 35 totally restrictive and severely enforced articles offered a bleak picture of Afghanistan and expanded the intolerable restrictions already in place, to which ‘the sound of a female voice outside the home seems to be considered a moral violation’ (32). But more voices have been harshly critical of the Taliban regime's policies against women. Afghan activist in exile Metra Mehran, speaking to the New York Times online, said that the Taliban had gone too far and that gender apartheid needed to be codified as a crime against humanity by the International Criminal Court. More voices have added their voices to the above, with shocking testimonies of what is happening in the country, such as that of Khadija Amin, a journalist and television presenter, who had to leave Afghanistan for fear of being killed. In an interview for the digital newspaper El Confidencial, she tells journalist Alba Sanz about the hardships Afghan women are going through, concluding with a general appeal. ‘Don't forget Afghan women. We are forgotten by the governments. If we don't talk about Afghanistan and Afghan women, the world will forget thousands of girls and women. Gender apartheid is in Afghanistan’ (33).
Already in 2022, Khadija Amin, in another interview with the journalist Margarita Arredondas in the digital newspaper Atalayar, warned that in Afghanistan ‘There is no one who listens to women, before there was a Ministry, there were NGOs, but there is no one any more’ (34). And this feeling of oblivion not only extends to the field of women's rights, but also in the field of military resistance to the Taliban regime, Ahmad Massoud, leader of the Afghan Resistance Front, stated in a virtual meeting with the Hudson Research Institute in Washington that they are alone and forgotten in this battle (35). The organisation he leads has been carrying out military activities against the Taliban militias for the past three years, becoming more intense in recent months, but lacks sufficient strength to dislodge the Taliban regime militarily, especially given Mullah Yaqoob's plan to increase the Taliban armed forces to 200,000 (36), as well as to strengthen its air force. All of this without losing sight of the main internal threat currently facing the Taliban government, the Afghan Daesh, which is also a global threat, and which has carried out a propaganda campaign to recruit followers among the Muslim community in the US and Europe who are dissatisfied in those places, in order to carry out terrorist attacks (37).
Luis Montero, political scientist and Master in International Geostrategy and Jihadist Terrorism.
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