Syria's return to the Mediterranean marks a new chapter for the region and its citizens
- How Syria's return to the Union for the Mediterranean affects the region
- Changes in the Mediterranean and current geopolitics
- The humanitarian crisis and key figures in Syria
- The situation of the population and returns
- Possible impacts and consequences for the region
- Al-Sharaa and the challenges of governing a country in crisis
How Syria's return to the Union for the Mediterranean affects the region
Syria returns to the Union for the Mediterranean (UFM) after 14 years of absence. This decision is seen as a diplomatic gesture that shows the transformation of the Mediterranean alliance.
Issues such as the persistence in resolving the humanitarian crisis, the ability of foreign governments to regain influence in Syria, lost since Ahmed Al-Sharaa became president, and the restoration of stability in the country are fundamental for Syria and the Mediterranean to prosper together.
The reincorporation of Syria, the cradle of civilisation as we know it today for more than 6,000 years, is a complex decision that must be based on dialogue with the other members and constant communication through political and trade agreements.
Changes in the Mediterranean and current geopolitics
Syria's arrival in the Union takes it back to the period prior to 2011, the year of the Arab Spring. During Syria's 14-year absence, the region has evolved.
Currently, the interests that unite the members have shifted. Energy investment and trade, migration, regional influences and security are the new proposals being put forward and debated in the UFM Councils.
Fourteen years is a long time. The previous alliances no longer exist. The proliferation of conflicts and the evolution of international relations have left instability and lack of cooperation behind. In this context, the arrival of Syria, still marked by the disastrous administration of the Assad family, is the response to the ‘new Mediterranean reality’.
This new reality is based, as we mentioned earlier, on energy interests – the new bottleneck of the global economy – migratory flows, and the decline of the leadership of countries that have relinquished their ‘position of power’ in favour of new emerging economies.
With regard to energy and its geopolitical interests, Syria's arrival represents a 180-degree change. The possession of oil reserves, mostly dominated by the Kurds, and instability is considered, as they say in sports slang, ‘a blessed problem’. The Syrian government's ability to open new energy transport routes to the region will favour the bloc's growth, but the difficulties and the need for negotiation and dialogue will be a real challenge for the UM.
However, Syria's biggest dilemma has been migration and the refugee issue. For more than a decade, the Syrian population has had the highest number of departures from their country of origin worldwide. With more than two million Syrians residing in Turkey and nearly four million others scattered throughout neighbouring countries and Europe, the migration problem has been the worst crisis the Syrian government has faced in more than 14 years.
Syria's accession to the alliance will not only improve the situation within the country for citizens who are leaving for survival rather than conviction, but will also serve to alleviate the human trafficking crisis perpetrated by mafias based on the shores of the Mediterranean.
Finally, the question of leadership. Europe has lost its decision-making power, as clearly demonstrated in the peace agreements proposed by Trump for Gaza and Ukraine, where Europe is a mere spectator.
Instead, the old continent has tried to compensate for this loss of authority through crisis management and the genuine search for solutions through agreements of all kinds. In this sense, Syria's reincorporation is more of a support than a problem, helping the political reorganisation of the region.
The humanitarian crisis and key figures in Syria
Syria has been, and will probably remain for some time, one of the most unstable states in the world. Home to the most radical al-Qaeda factions, Syria's political stability has required international intervention by the world's major military powers.
Even so, the chaos and humanitarian crisis has been a real headache at the global level for more than a decade and a half.
According to recent estimates, 16.5 million people in Syria are in need of humanitarian aid; more than 7.4 million remain internally displaced (IDPs); and around 6 million live as refugees outside the country, mainly in neighbouring countries.
According to United Nations figures, thousands of people have returned in 2025: since December 2024, coinciding with the fall of Bashar Al-Assad's regime, some 1.2 million have returned to their homes, including 885,000 internally displaced persons and 302,000 refugees.
Despite the returns, a clear sign of the country's recovery, most have to start from scratch, as their homes have been partially or totally destroyed by the war and services are minimal. This is a clear sign that reconstruction will take time and that instability could resurface at any moment.
The figures never lie. Syria's arrival will be key to Al-Sharaa's plans to restore stability and make Syria an emerging country, but there is still a long way to go.
Syria's integration into the UFM is proof that the new government's measures have had an impact on the international stage and could even be considered a ‘vote of real hope’, despite the fact that internal wounds within the country remain deeply rooted.
The situation of the population and returns
The news of Syria's return can be interpreted in two ways. Internally, for the day-to-day life of the Syrian population, this announcement will not have an immediate effect, but it should be seen as a great achievement. Externally, it is further proof that rehabilitation and good decision-making have their rewards.
The gap that the civil war, the Arab Spring, the atrocities of terrorist groups, international interventions and the dictatorship in which they lived have left in the lives of Syrians is still present.
The experiences of millions of Syrian families over the past 14 years, far from their homes and victims of constant violence, must be the cornerstone of the dialogue, forums and decisions made by the Syrian state itself and other members.
The prolonged conflict has left a generation in the country that will need to be cared for. Fear is a feeling that is still latent throughout the country.
This set of feelings cannot be ignored, but must serve to open new doors for Syria to regain its place on the map and achieve a ‘clean slate’.
Possible impacts and consequences for the region
As we have previously noted, 14 years of Syrian absence is too long. The geopolitical and economic factors and current alliances have changed completely. In this context, energy, migration and the redistribution of new partnerships must be stable and proportional for Syria's reintegration to have a positive impact, both individually and for the members as a whole.
If reconstruction does not progress, the millions of refugees estimated by the United Nations could return to where they have spent the last 14 years, and the flow of human trafficking, terrorist proliferation and other security issues will resurface.
The same is true for the establishment of new energy projects. A stable Syria with strong alliances can benefit the region and position it as a new global energy hub. Neither of these issues could be addressed without effective diplomacy to support these two opportunities for the Union for the Mediterranean.
Al-Sharaa and the challenges of governing a country in crisis
The crisis in Syria will not end overnight. Joining the UFM is a big step towards ending it, but it should be seen as a solution to uncertainties and the creation of opportunities.
Everything will depend on Al-Sharaa's strength and his ability to avoid serving foreign interests and to look after the Syrian people. In fact, this has been his leitmotif since he came to power.
'We want this to mark a new chapter for Syria, replacing ignorance with knowledge and suffering with mercy. Our priorities are to fill the power vacuum, preserve civil peace and build state institutions. The formation of a new government today is a declaration of our shared will to build a new, strong and stable state that prioritises the interests of the homeland and its citizens. Our plans focus on protecting citizens and improving stability, making them priorities for the new cabinet. We will create an inclusive transitional government that represents Syrian diversity, with men, women and young people, tasked with building new institutions until we hold free and fair elections. In the coming days, we will announce a committee tasked with preparing the national dialogue conference, a direct platform for hearing different views on our political programme for the future. We will pursue the criminals who shed Syrian blood and committed massacres, whether they are in Syria or abroad, and we will establish true transitional justice after the fall of Assad,' said Ahmed Al-Sharaa, President of Syria, in his first speech as head of the government.