Meloni won, is something wrong?

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Well, no, the apocalypse that supposedly had the whole of Europe on tenterhooks over the hypothesis, now fully confirmed, of the victory of Giorgia Meloni, leader of Fratelli d'Italia, the party that responds to the first words of the national anthem, has not been unleashed. The dialectical bombardment of the media and analysts, especially from the extreme left, warned that Meloni's arrival in power would be practically the beginning of the end of the European Union, based on a supposed and foreseeable disengagement of the EU's third largest economy, as well as one of its six historic founding countries. 

According to the philosopher Diego Fusaro, professor of Strategic and Political Studies in Milan, and one of the fiercest critics of "the anti-fascist farce of the left", Meloni has not come to reintroduce fascism, but to tear down the trompe l'oeil with which the left elites have pretended to defend social justice without renouncing any of their class privileges. What another of Fusaro's followers, Victor Lenore, denounces as follows: "Anti-fascism also provides an alibi for detesting all the ordinary people who vote for options other than the left".

No less than four former prime ministers were standing in these general elections: Enrico Letta, Matteo Renzi, Giuseppe Conte and the incombustible Silvio Berlusconi. The petite but energetic Giorgia Meloni has laminated them all, including Berlusconi, who nevertheless, as a member of the right-wing coalition, will retain a certain capacity to dynamite the common project, the classic sport to which almost all of the 67 governments that have passed through the Palazzo Chigi in the last 76 years have devoted themselves since the post-war period. Legislatures in Italy last five years, but there are more than enough fingers on one hand to count those that have actually served five years.

The most radical critics and predictions against Meloni have predicted that the great progressive achievements, among which the most important are abortion, even in minors and without parental knowledge, euthanasia and the generalisation of education without qualifications or meritocracy, would be curtailed in their extension to the whole of Europe by the Meloni-Salvini-Berlusconi coalition. They also attribute to them a categorical turn by adopting positions similar to those of Poland and Hungary, and even that the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, would be the real winner of these elections because of the chumminess, sympathies and fraternisation that the two men of the winning triumvirate have enjoyed with the tyrant of the Kremlin.

Reform or dynamite

Once the fog and smoke, caused by the fires of so much apocalyptic prophecy, have lifted, the reality is going to illuminate something very different. To begin with, the Italians, those people who, according to the master José María Carrascal, always start a war with those who look like they are going to win and end it with those who really win it, have decided to give Meloni and her party, Brothers of Italy, a chance, once they have seen that the bloated payroll of a political class they are fed up with has failed to deliver on promises and expectations. A political class that, as in many other similar countries, is navel-gazing, enjoying and even shamelessly abusing its privileges, while the common people have to fend for themselves, even overcoming the obstacles and obstacles that stand in the way of their already arduous task of getting by on a daily basis. 

She will therefore have to prove to her fellow citizens that her reform plan makes life less difficult for them and helps them weather the storm of the umpteenth crisis the country has endured. And, of course, she will not change the EU line on Ukraine adopted by her predecessor, the prestigious technocrat - not elected at the polls, but overthrown - Mario Draghi. She will certainly propose reforms and changes in the functioning of the EU itself, which will undoubtedly shake up the heavy Brussels bureaucratic machinery, but from there it is a long way to blowing up the whole thing that neither Meloni nor any sensible citizen will dare to cross. 

Commission President Ursula von der Leyen threatened to use the tools at the EU's disposal to get the troublemakers back on track, a clear reference to Italy's right-wing coalition. These tools - in Italy they would translate into withholding the 200 billion euros of its large slice of recovery funds - can also be applied, at least theoretically, to any other EU member that transgresses or violates the acquis communautaire, from those who try to muzzle freedom of expression to those who insist time and again on controlling all powers, especially the judiciary, or turn a deaf ear to insistent calls not to fatten the debt that will have to be paid for by generations.

A video of Meloni herself holding two melons at the level of her breasts and winking at the viewer is circulating profusely on the networks. The progressive nomenklatura has launched into anathematising the image and branding it with all sorts of expletives. In southern Europe, where the use of testosterone is commonplace, Giorgia Meloni's video may also be a warning to sexists who think they can easily destroy her.